https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0638-6261
Figures
Abstract
Globally, the informal food sector has been the recipient of exclusionary urban policies, despite its dominant role in urban life. This study examined the contributions of the informal food sector to food flows during the COVID-19 lockdown in Cape Town, South Africa. An ethnographic research method consisting of in-depth interviews and participant observations was used to gather data between April and November 2020. The data were thematically analysed. Corporate retailers and informal vendors managed food flows through the city prior to COVID-19. Due to the lockdown regulations, food flows through the informal sector ceased. The situation resulted in job loss and increased food insecurity. During this challenging period, the informal sector transformed food flows by facilitating sustainable urban agriculture, food aid programmes, and community change. Although the sector can hinder urban modernisation, the current study findings showed that the informal food sector is a buffer for meeting urban sustainability needs. Regulatory frameworks that embrace inclusive governance approaches are highly recommended.
Author summary
This paper demonstrates that the informal food sector contributes to food distribution, access, and sustainability transformations. This contribution was highlighted during the COVID-19 lockdown period when lockdown regulations severely disrupted the sector and limited food access for several households. Through informal food vendors (such as spaza shops, truck sellers, home gardeners, community soup kitchens, and street food vendors), food aid, urban gardens, and seed sharing were initiated in several communities in Cape Town during the lockdown. A food movement was created among people of different racial and economic backgrounds through dedicated volunteers and individuals seeking a transformed food distribution system. These groups demonstrate the resilience of the informal sector and its ability to overcome barriers and connect people to food. The findings of this paper are based on an ethnographic study conducted in Cape Town in 2020.
Citation: Kushitor SB, Alimohammadi S, Currie P (2022) Narrative explorations of the role of the informal food sector in food flows and sustainable transitions during the COVID-19 lockdown. PLOS Sustain Transform 1(12): e0000038. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pstr.0000038
Editor: Jose Carlos Báez, Spanish Institute of Oceanography: Instituto Espanol de Oceanografia, SPAIN
Received: April 10, 2022; Accepted: November 16, 2022; Published: December 7, 2022
Copyright: © 2022 Kushitor et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: The data on supporting this manuscript contain potentially identifying information about the food vendors and actors. Data access request should be submitted to Dr. Sandra Boatemaa Kuhsitor (boatemaa@sun.ac.za) and Paul Currie (paul.currie@iclei.org).
Funding: This work is based on the research supported wholly or in part by the LIRA 2030 Africa Programme, which is implemented by the International Science Council (ISC) in partnership with the Network of African Science Academies (NASAC), with support from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). This study forms part of the Leading Integrated Research for Agenda (LIRA) 2030 in Africa, which is a 5-year program that seeks to increase the production of multidisciplinary, high-quality solutions-oriented research on global sustainability by early-career scientists in Africa. Grant number: LIRA2030-GR01/19. The Groote Schuur Rotary Club funded the upcycled vertical food garden.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
1. Introduction
Population projections indicate that urban dwellers will represent two-thirds of the global population by 2050 [1]. Urban areas have become the main sites of production and consumption, as cities account for about 80% of gross domestic production [1]. Sustainably achieving food and nutrition security remains a core challenge for cities [2–4]. Indeed, food and nutrition insecurity has risen in urban areas, especially among poor and vulnerable groups, due to failing food systems [4–6]. Yet, food systems cannot address the malnutrition problem and simultaneously contribute to aggravating key social-ecological challenges such as climate change, waste, and environmental degradation [7].
Food systems are the sum of actors and interactions across the food value chain [8]. Food system actors include input suppliers, food producers, processors, transporters, and distributors [9]. In urban areas, the key failure of the food system is food distribution or food flows, defined as the movement of food through complex distribution systems [10]. Globally, urban food flows are facilitated by a combination of formal and informal traders [11–14]
Informal traders include hawkers/street vendors, spaza shops, traditional markets, neighbourhood traders, and small-scale and subsistence farmers [15]. The informal food sector employs about 74% of women in sub-Saharan Africa [16]. The informal sector is a significant component of South Africa’s gross domestic product (5–10%) as it employs around 2–3 million individuals [14,17]. About 50% of the informal economy businesses are food and beverage companies, which confirms that the informal food sector plays a vital role in ensuring food security for many [17]. However, the informal food sector has received exclusionary policies from national and city governments [18–20].
During this research (January–November 2020), the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent government responses had disrupted cities worldwide. Various lockdown measures adopted by cities to contain the spread of the virus had dramatically disrupted peoples’ agency, freedom of movement, employment, and livelihoods [21,22]. The COVID-19 shock constituted an additional layer to the global urbanisation challenge in the form of a worldwide health crisis and economic depression [23]. The COVID-19 pandemic and the associated economic depression had rendered more than 20 million people food insecure in South Africa, constituting a hunger crisis [21]. Given the social and ecological challenges that contemporary food and urban systems face, there is a need to fundamentally transform these systems for improved social inclusion and environmental well-being [24–26]. This can help to advance the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly ending hunger and achieving sustainable cities.
African and Asian cities will disproportionately experience the contemporary and future challenges of urbanisation. Most projected population growth and additional demands for resources are expected to be situated in these regions [27]. In the South African context, it is estimated that by 2050, more than 80% of the country’s population will live in urban areas [28]. Therefore, this study examined food flows through the informal sector during the COVID-19 lockdown in Cape Town, South Africa. An ethnographic research that included in-depth interviews and participant observations in Cape Town, South Africa, was designed to achieve this goal.
2. Results
The results are presented in two sections: (1) themes generated about food flows in Cape Town and (2) themes generated about urban agriculture experiments in Cape Town. In each section, dominant and consensual themes are first presented, followed by minor themes. The themes are supported with quotes that best capture the ideas for illustration.
2.1 Food flows to households in Cape Town before COVID-19
Food distribution in Cape Town was mainly through formal channels (such as supermarkets and restaurants) and informal vendors. The formal distributors mentioned by the participants include Shoprite, Game, Spar, Pick n Pay, and Food Lovers Market. The informal vendors include spaza shops, truck sellers, home gardeners, community soup kitchens, and street food vendors. The formal and informal food distributors in Cape Town are inextricably linked. The informal food vendors stock their produce from supermarkets and Cape Town Fresh Produce Market (CTFPM). According to the CTFPM representative, informal food vendors account for a substantial portion of CTFMP’s customers.
2.2 Impact of COVID-19 on food flows in Cape Town
2.2.1 Food blockades and food insecurity.
COVID-19 disrupted food systems on both the supply and demand sides in multiple ways. The strict lockdown regulations and social distancing measures adopted to curb the spread of the virus curtailed economic activity across all parts of the food value chain. The disruptions in the food system extended from the cultivation of food crops to retail. Due to the lockdown, farmers could not buy seedlings and other farming essentials. On the supply side, farmers lost income because transportation of goods to cities or even local markets ceased, leaving food crops to rot on farms. Buyers could not trade directly with farmers since there was a general restriction on movement. As a result, many were left unemployed, with little to no income for food. Informal food vendors were forced to shut down. One respondent commented that their sales had decreased by about 60% due to the closure of restaurants and hotels:
"Well, 60% of our business was with restaurants and hotels. So that just disappeared" (R4)
The food security of various school systems was not spared, as evident by the destruction of school gardens and the suspension of the National School Nutrition Programme. Due to the lockdown, school gardens were not attended to, and children who received at least one meal per day were deprived of this benefit. A school principal noted that children who depended on the food from the school feeding programme probably went hungry since their parents could not care properly for them at home. The impact of the closure of schools on food security was described as follows by a respondent:
"Before the COVID-19 lockdown, the number of children receiving a meal on any given day was about 200 learners. During the peak of the COVID-19 lockdown (April 2020), the school was closed, no meals were served, and no child or staff was allowed on the premises to look after the plants. As a result, many of the plants and fish died. In terms of meals lost during this time, we estimate around 2 000 meals were forfeited." (R15)
2.2.2 The emergence of community change action networks and rekindled food flows.
The food blockade sparked a broad-based political and economic response to improve food security among the informal food system actors. First, some community groups started food relief activities during the lockdown by distributing food parcels and instituting soup kitchens. The food parcels consisted of dry foods (such as maise flour), canned foods (tinned beans and fish, salt, and sugar), and fresh vegetables. Some organisations involved included the FoodForward South Africa, Siya Kolisi Foundation, PEDI, and Ladles of Love. Below are the comments from two respondents on how feeding schemes and kitchens were established to feed those in need:
"I started the Community Action Network in Sir Lowry’s Pass and Somerset West. We are feeding over 4 000 people a day in 40 different soup kitchens." (R6)
"Ladles of Love, which run soup kitchens and feeding schemes, was a low-key initiative, but it has blown up now. They have been given a massive industrial kitchen within the Cape Town Convention Centre to produce food during the lockdown." (R4)
Although the food relief systems were in place, there was a struggle to distribute food parcels due to the increasing rates of disease transmission. Hence, most people observed the stay-home protocol and feared going out. The quote below from one participant illustrates how logistics was a constraint to building inclusive food flows:
"The beneficiaries still call me to ask about when I will visit them? I can’t because I don’t have a bakkie to go and distribute the food items."(R4)
Some participants, therefore, feared that these systems were unsustainable. They believed that people who had lost their means of survival due to the pandemic and were relying on food parcels would be subjected to future poverty and hunger once the pandemic was over. This fear led to the second innovation: new vendor start-ups and online trading. For example, Philippi Economic Development Initiative (PEDI) UCOOK launched new online services with home delivery as reported by their representative:
"The online business is currently going to be an important market opportunity for farmers. UCOOK launched a new farmers’ box as well, which is an online ordering service. So I think the online e-commerce system will have a much larger share than in-person store." (R11)
The CTFPM representative also added that the number of informal traders buying food from the CTFPM increased post lockdown. According to these vendors, vending required less capital, and people who had lost their jobs could quickly start such a business.
2.3 Urban agriculture experiments through Cape Town Together Food Growers Initiative
The Cape Town Together Food Growers Initiative (CTTFGI) is an emergent, self-organising, diverse, and eco-friendly network of Capetonians who are working towards reshaping food flows for improved access and ecological regeneration. The CTTFGI was created during the peak of the pandemic. The network shows how the persistent and wicked challenges of the food system can be confronted using nature-based and community-led solutions. The group consists of existing farms in Cape Town and individuals. The members are from mixed-income backgrounds, and as of August 2020, there were approximately 1 500 members. The group is composed of nine subgroups, including administration, seedbanks, and seedling nursery. The contribution of the CTTFGI to food flows is summarised in Table 1.
The CTTFGI provided lessons for its members on sustainable crop and livestock production. The classes included seed production, mix cropping, soil preparation and regeneration, and water saving. The participants were also given lessons on piggery and poultry production. They were taught feed preparation, coup construction, and biosecurity. These lessons were delivered virtually (through their Facebook and WhatsApp platforms) and in person (usually community members in a block). There was interest in wild foods. These products were posted on the group’s Facebook page to introduce the wild food items to the members and how it can be used.
As a result of the lessons and seed-sharing activities, new farms were started during the pandemic at community and household level (Fig 1). Observations of the CTTFGI group by SA recorded 54 new gardens across 20 different communities created by participants between 15 May and 1 August 2020 (77 days). Some of the farms were created in Elsie’s River, Dunoon, Gugulethu, Mitchells Plain, Nyanga, and Simon’s Town. Community gardens that facilitated this expansion are listed in Table 2. The farming methods used were holistic and incorporate sustainable farming methods. The farms occupied less space and used less water and nutrients. Some of the gardens were created in underutilised urban areas such as vacant/non-developed plots, street curbs, educational facilities, and unofficial dumping sites. This was a conscious effort to reclaim urban spaces as shared by the CTTFGI administrator:
"We turn unused spaces, especially verges into food gardens." (R1)
Another participant reflected on unused and neglected land that could be used for urban agriculture:
"As a community, we want to take pride in the space we live in. We hope to reach as many Nyanga parts and educate the community on keeping Nyanga clean." (R4)
A food garden was established at Facreton Primary School by the study team. The school principal revealed that no form of growing was excluded as they used soil, hydroponics, and aquaponics. Some of the systems used included a GroPro and a vertical upcycled farming system made out of a recycled paint drum with pockets that could house 30 or more plants (Fig 2). The GroPro uses less water and provides onsite waste treatment for food scraps. Further, these units are inexpensive, low technology, nature based, and made out of recycled car tires.
Besides the holistic educational benefits, the Facreton Primary School garden also contributed towards feeding the school children. In May 2020, the school, whose feeding programme is part of the National School Nutrition Programme, was invited to help with community feeding initiatives in the Facreton area. The school provided community meals three days a week and meals to students two days a week. The school was able to feed about 400–600 children and community members each week. The beneficiaries were provided with fresh fruit and vegetables, rice, porridge soya, and canned fish.
Through the activities of the CTTFGI, community solidarity was built. In each community, individuals of varying ages and socio-economic backgrounds were involved in the initiative. People were drawn together by the shared goal to respect and honour their cultural heritage, for example. This solidarity became an avenue for change. Farmers were able to advertise their services on the CTTFGI’s social media platforms. In addition, the group also announced government grants for smallholder farmers. A sense of community was nurtured by sharing success stories among members. Most importantly, the solidarity also resulted in changing existing negative images associated with farming, as expressed by one participant:
"I love that the word garden boy is being used as a point of liberation and is being celebrated and acknowledged." (CTTFGI Facebook page June 2021).
The CTTFGI also contributed to raising sustainability change agents and social entrepreneurs. Through a reward system established by Zlto Digital Systems, individuals were invited to volunteer for community services such as establishing or maintaining food gardens. These volunteers used their talents, skills, and energy to solve local challenges. In addition to serving their communities, the volunteers developed teambuilding, networking, communication, tolerance, and interpersonal skills. These skills were vital in shaping youth volunteers who received awards (sponsored by an external funder) and became an inspiration for others. Therefore, the Zlto system includes youth volunteers in community development projects and compensates them for their time with food and airtime, data, and electricity vouchers. This motivates volunteers to become involved in community projects, such as food gardens, and teaches them new skills that they can use to generate an income for themselves.
3. Discussion
This study examined food flows in the City of Cape Town during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic among informal food system actors. Monopolistic corporate retailers and agribusinesses manage the city’s food flow. However, the findings of this study showed that informal suppliers contributed to food flows through informal networks. The study results revealed that food flows through the informal sector ceased during the peak of the lockdown period due to lockdown measures as vendors lost jobs and small-scale farmers could not transport their produce to markets. During this closure period, community action networks also transformed food flows by facilitating sustainable urban agriculture and food aid programmes. It was found that these community action networks and informal food system actors were better positioned to respond to contextual food demands in a more socially inclusive, culturally appropriate, and ecologically regenerative way.
Several studies have reported the effects of COVID-19 on food insecurity [21,22,29–31]. In most cases, food flows through own production or markets were cut off due to the pre-existing inefficiencies of the food system [29]. Most households that used to get by were pushed into precarious positions due to loss of income and food insecurity [23]. Furthermore, the situation was exaggerated because limited state fiscal or business aid was provided when traders were forced to shut down [32–34].
Globally, cities are caught between multiple socio-ecological trends such as rapid urbanisation, rising social inequalities, biodiversity loss, and food insecurity [35–37]. This study observed that informal food actors played an essential role in food flows during a food crisis. This role was crucial at a time when people had lost jobs and the opportunity to access food. The informal food movement created solidarity among people of different racial and economic backgrounds. Informal food networks were supported by dedicated volunteers and funders seeking to support alternate food networks. These groups demonstrated the resilience of the informal sector and its ability to overcome barriers and connect people to food. Such success stories have previously been reported in Cape Town [38] and in London, New York City, Philadelphia, Seattle, and Toronto [39]. Therefore, the informal food system is a major part of urban systems and is well positioned to address social justice issues, environmental restoration, and economic inclusion [25,40]. These alternative economies seek to promote more significant social interaction within communities.
In a state of crisis and at regular times, the informal food sector has been an essential component of urban food security and livelihoods [41,42]. The sector is unregulated and suffers from poor food handling, limited nutrition knowledge, and high food safety challenges [43–46]. Furthermore, there are reports of the sector creating problems for public authorities, formal retailers and pedestrians [47]. Yet, the sector is a buffer and provides the opportunity for meeting sustainability challenges due to the multiple sustainability challenges that cities face, as shown by the current study findings. Therefore, city governments can reconsider their development plans by providing regulatory frameworks that enable the sector to thrive.
4. Conclusion
This paper contributes to understanding the contributions of informal food actors to food security during the COVID-19 lockdown period. The findings included the loss of jobs and food insecurity created by the pandemic and lockdown regulations. It was noted by this study that during this crisis, the informal food actors facilitated food distribution through food aid and the initiation of urban farms. They also contributed to community solidarity and regenerative environmental practices. The activities of the sector contributed to urban agriculture and increased access to food. As part of the City of Cape Town’s resilience approaches, it is recommended that these networks are used and supported to provide services to communities.
5. Materials and methods
5.1 Study area
Cape Towns’ food system is characterised by export-oriented supply chains, supermarkets, and commercial farmers using high-external-input agriculture [48]. Almost all Capetonians rely on supermarkets for some of their food [49]. The frequency with which stores are used varies among households. About 80% of households from lower-income quintiles are highly dependent on the informal food sector for their food, such as small shops called ’spaza shops’ and street sellers [50]. Such households only shop at supermarkets once a month for staples such as maize flour, while informal stores are used several times a week for fresh produce. Very few lower-income Capetonians participate in urban agriculture, which is attributed to a lack of necessary inputs such as land, water, seedlings, compost, and time [49]. However, the existing policy framework to address food security fails to acknowledge the role of the informal sector in ensuring food security for the urban poor [51]. The food system has resulted in food insecurities, dietary transitions, and associated increases in nutrition-related noncommunicable diseases [52].
The City of Cape Town Government is very particular about addressing food insecurity and improving the resilience of its society. In 2013, the city initiated a comprehensive food security study to identify innovative food system governance approaches [50]. The findings from this study informed food actions and programmes in the city’s resilience policy of 2019. The goal of this policy is to improve access to affordable and nutritious food for residents while protecting the environment. The present study focused on a coalition of informal food system actors involved in food system transformation in the city [53]. This study examined their activities and contributions to the city’s food flows during the COVID-19 lockdown period. The findings are relevant for tracking innovative food system approaches for the city and provide an exemplar in this area of growing importance for global cities.
Ethical clearance for this study was provided by the Stellenbosch University Department of Ethical Screening and Clearance, reference number 14990. The administrator of the CTTFGI also provided a letter of consent. Where particular individuals from the CTTFGI were engaged, separate written consent letters were requested for their participation in this study.
5.2 Study design
This study forms part of the inclusive metabolism project. The project is a transdisciplinary research endeavour into African food systems. The project draws upon chemical and economic analysis of food and storytelling through photography to reveal food flows [54]. This study utilised in-depth interviews and ethnography to understand food flows in Cape Town. The conceptual evolution of food security and the recent formalisation of ’agency’ and ’sustainability’ as essential dimensions of food security further motivated this study towards adopting a qualitative approach. The study used in-depth interviews, participant observation, and the construction of an experimental upcycled vertical garden (UVG). Making meaning from the interviews, participant observations, and UVG, field notes were taken and connected to narratives/themes produced from the in-depth interviews. The data were gathered between April and November 2020.
5.3 In-depth interviews with food system actors
Food system actors are individuals, including volunteers, who engage within a food system in such a way that their actions contribute towards improved socially inclusive and/or environmental restoratives. Fourteen participants were contacted and requested to participate in this study. The participants included academics, informal traders, farmers, retailers, food aggregators, and activists (Table 3). These actors were purposefully selected from an existing coalition of food system actors [53]. Each participant was asked to respond to three questions: (1) What is your engagement with the food system? (2) How have your engagements with the food system changed since the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak? and (3) What are your reflections on the challenges and possibilities for future food systems? More specific questions were asked after the open-ended questions to gain deeper insights into participants.
The in-depth interviews were conducted via Zoom by study author SA. At the time of the interview, SA had a Bachelor of Arts degree in Entrepreneurship and Innovation and was studying full time for his Master’s degree in Sustainable Development, Management and Planning. He was trained by study author SBK, a population scientist, in qualitative interviewing before the data collection. SA had also passed a research method class taught at the Sustainability Institute, Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa. Each interview was audio recorded and lasted for about one hour. Only the participant and researcher were present during the interview. No repeated interviews were conducted.
5.4 Participant observation: Cape Town Together Food Growers Initiative
Participant observation is one way of understanding a community’s structure, culture, and social processes [55]. A unique characteristic of the COVID-19 pandemic in Cape Town was the emergence of community action networks (CANs). These self-organising community groups connect wealthier areas with less well-resourced communities to tackle challenges surrounding food insecurity. The CTTFGI is an example of one CAN that is particularly interesting and relevant to this study. The CTTFGI started with one WhatsApp group, which SA joined on 15 May 2020. SA’s participation in the CTTFGI was not merely observational but was also immersive and highly engaging. Apart from simply gaining an understanding of how the group operated and subsequently reporting on this, he deeply embedded himself in the group’s daily activities. He volunteered for various CTTFGI task teams, recording meeting minutes, contributing to the seed bank, helping to build community school gardens (CTTFGI Seed Bank), and growing the groups’ social network (CTTFGI Media Task Team). These engagements enabled him to shift from frontstage to backstage, allowing access to information that was otherwise only available to insiders. He kept notes of the meetings of the group, groups origins, objectives, evolution, struggles, and successes.
5.5 Data analysis
The audio files of the interviews were transcribed verbatim. The transcripts were not returned to the participants for their comments. The transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis. Thematic analysis is advantageous in qualitative studies as it provides a theoretically flexible and accessible approach to data analysis [56]. The coding was guided by a set of inductive and deductive codes. The deductive codes included food production and consumption activities. The inductive codes were developed from paragraphs and sentences without any theory, constructs, or concepts guiding the process. For example, "We are now shifting to other projects besides the feeding schemes and gardening is one of them" was coded as food system transformation.
Study author SBK checked the initial codes and themes developed by SA. Disagreements regarding codes and themes were discussed and addressed before finalisation. Fig 3 provides the coding tree which depicts the relationship between statements of the participants, codes and themes. The field notes from the participant observations and the garden experiment were also analysed using the codes and themes developed from the in-depth interviews. The data was analysed using Atlas TI 8.0. The complete dataset of transcripts and field notes has been deposited in SunScholarData.
References
- 1. United Nations. World urbanisation propects [Internet]. 2018. Available from: https://esa.un.org/%0Aunpd/wup/publications/files/wup2014-%0Ahighlights.pdf
- 2. Bloem S, Pee S De. Developing approaches to achieve adequate nutrition among urban populations requires an understanding of urban development. Glob Food Sec. 2017;12(September 2016):80–8.
- 3. Cunto A De, Tegoni C, Sonnino R, Michel C, Lajili-djalaï F. Food in cities: study on innovation for a sustainable and healthy production, delivery, and consumption of food in cities [Internet]. European Union; 2017. Available from: https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/research_and_innovation/groups/rise/food_in_cities.pdf
- 4. Panel Global. Urban diets and nutrition: Trends, challenges and opportunities for policy action [Internet]. London; 2017. Available from: https://www.glopan.org/sites/default/files/Downloads/GlobalPanelUrbanizationPolicyBrief.pdf
- 5.
Battersby J. Food insecurity among urban households. In: Fukuda-Parr S, Taylor V, editors. Food security in South Africa: Human rights and entitlement perspectives. Claremont: UCT Press; 2015. p. 97–119.
- 6. Grebmer K Von, Bernstein J, Hossain N, Brown T, Prasai N, Yohannes Y, et al. 2017 Global Hunger Index: The inequalities of hunger. Washington, D.C.; 2017.
- 7. Willett W, Rockstrom J, Springmann M, Lang T, Vermeulen S, Garnett T, et al. Food in the Anthropocene: The EAT-Lancet Commission on healthy diets from sustainable food systems. Lancet. 2019;2(393):447–92. pmid:30660336
- 8.
IFPRI. 2020 Global Nutrition Report: Action on equity to end malnutrition. [Internet]. Bristol; 2020. Available from: https://globalnutritionreport.org/reports/2020-global-nutrition-report/
- 9. Ericksen PJ. Conceptualizing food systems for global environmental change research. Glob Environ Chang. 2008;18:234–45.
- 10. Lin X, Ruess PJ, Marston L, Konar M. Food flows between counties in the United States. Environ Res Lett. 2019;14(8).
- 11. Asante LA, Helbrecht I. Urban regeneration and politically-induced displacement in a secondary African city: A case of the Kotokuraba Market Project, Cape Coast, Ghana. Geoforum. 2020;115:21–33.
- 12. Boamah EF, Amoako C, Asenso BK. Spaces of market politics: Retailscapes and modernist planning imaginaries in African cities. Appl Geogr. 2020;123(September).
- 13. Ikioda FO. Urban markets in Lagos, Nigeria. Geogr Compass. 2013;7(7):517–526.
- 14. Skinner C. Informal food retail in Africa: A review of evidence [Internet]. Cape Town; 2016. (Consuming Urban Poverty Project Working Paper). Report No.: 2. Available from: https://consumingurbanpoverty.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/cupworkingpaper2-skinner-informal-retail.pdf
- 15. Okoye V. Street vendor exclusion in “modern” market planning: A case study from Kumasi, Ghana [Internet]. 2020. 3–8 p. Available from: https://www.wiego.org/sites/default/files/publications/file/Okoye-Street-Vendor-Exclusion-Kumasi-Ghana-WIEGO-Resource Document-15.pdf
- 16. Vanek J, Chen MA, Carre F, Heintz J, Hussmanns R. Statistics on the informal economy: Definitions, regional estimates and challenges [Internet]. 2014. Available from: https://www.wiego.org/sites/default/files/publications/files/Vanek-Statistics-WIEGO-WP2.pdf
- 17. Petersen LM, Charman AJE, Kroll FJ. Trade dynamics in Cape Town township informal foodservice–a qualitative and supply chain study. Dev South Afr. 2018;35(1):70–89.
- 18. Asiedu AB, Agyei-Mensah S. Traders on the run: Activities of street vendors in the Accra Metropolitan Area, Ghana. Nor J Geogr. 2008;1951.
- 19. Blekking J, Waldman K, Tuholske C, Evans T. Formal/informal employment and urban food security in Sub-Saharan Africa. Appl Geogr. 2020 Jan 1;114:102131.
- 20. Kazembe LN, Nickanor N, Crush J. Informalized containment: food markets and the governance of the informal food sector in Windhoek, Namibia. Environ Urban. 2019;31(7):461–80.
- 21. Arndt C, Davies R, Gabriel S, Harris L, Makrelov K, Robinson S, et al. Covid-19 lockdowns, income distribution, and food security: An analysis for South Africa. Glob Food Sec. 2020 Sep 1;26. pmid:32834955
- 22. Laborde D, Martin W, Swinnen J, Vos R. COVID-19 risks to global food security: Economic fallout and food supply chain disruptions require attention from policy-makers. Science (80-). 2020 Jul 31;369(6503):500–2.
- 23.
WHO. Impact of COVID-19 on people’s livelihoods, their health, and our food systems [Internet]. 2020 [cited 2020 Nov 20]. Available from: https://www.who.int/news/item/13-10-2020-impact-of-covid-19-on-people’s-livelihoods-their-health-and-our-food-systems
- 24. Kennedy E, Webb P, Block S, Griffin T, Mozaffarian D, Kyte R. Transforming food systems: The missing pieces needed to make them work. Curr Dev Nutr. 2021;5(nzaa117):1–6. pmid:33501403
- 25. Siebert A. Transforming urbn food systems in South Africa: unfolding food sovereignty in the city. J Peasant Stud. 2019;47(2):401–19
- 26. Ruel M, Brouwer ID. Transforming food systems to achieve healthy diets for all. In: Global Food Policy Report [Internet]. 2021. p. 36–43. Available from: https://gfpr.ifpri.info/
- 27.
UN-Habitat. UN-Habitat. The State of African Cities: Re-imagining sustainable urban transitions. [Internet]. Nairobi; 2016. Available from: nairobi: United Nations; 2014. http://unhabitat.org/wpdm-package/state-of-african-cities-2014-re-imagining-sustainable-urban-transitions/?wpdmdl=111948
- 28. GHS. General Household Survey [Internet]. 2018. Available from: https://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/P0318/P03182017.pdf
- 29. Nechifor V, Ramos MP, Ferrari E, Laichena J, Kihiu E, Omanyo D, et al. Food security and welfare changes under COVID-19 in Sub-Saharan Africa: Impacts and responses in Kenya. Glob Food Sec. 2021 Mar 1;28:100514. pmid:33738191
- 30. Kansiime MK, Tambo JA, Mugambi I, Bundi M, Kara A, Owuor C. COVID-19 implications on household income and food security in Kenya and Uganda: Findings from a rapid assessment. World Dev. 2021 Jan 1;137. pmid:32982018
- 31. Mahajan K, Tomar S. COVID-19 and supply chain disruption: Evidence from food markets in India. Am J Agric Econ. 2021 Jan 1;103(1):35–52.
- 32. Asante LA, Mills RO. Exploring the socio-economic impact of COVID-19 pandemic in marketplaces in urban Ghana. Africa Spectr. 2020;55(2):170–81.
- 33. Battersby J. South Africa’s lockdown regulations and the reinforcement of anti-informality bias. Agric Human Values. 2020;37:543–4. pmid:32395011
- 34. Raj Singh DI, Ram Sunuwar D, Kumar Shah S, Kumari Sah L, Karki KI, Kumar Sah RI. Food insecurity during COVID-19 pandemic: A genuine concern for people from disadvantaged community and low-income families in Province 2 of Nepal. PLoS One [Internet]. 2021; Available from: https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0254954
- 35. Moragues-Faus A, Sonnino R, Marsden T. Exploring European food system vulnerabilities: Towards integrated food security governance. Environ Sci Policy. 2017;75:184–215.
- 36. Moragues-faus A, Morgan K. Reframing the foodscape: the emergent world of urban food policy. Environ Plan A. 2015;47:1558–73.
- 37. Prosperi P, Moragues-faus A, Sonnino R, Devereux C. Measuring progress towards sustainable food cities: Sustainability and food security indicators. 2015. Available from: https://www.sustainablefoodplaces.org/Portals/4/Documents/Measuring%20progress%20towards%20sustainable%20food%20cities_final%20report%20w%20appendixes.pdf
- 38. Olivier DW. Urban farming produces more than food: socila networks are a key spinoff [Internet]. The Conversation. 2017 [cited 2021 Apr 10]. Available from: https://theconversation.com/urban-farming-produces-more-than-food-social-networks-are-a-key-spinoff-71568
- 39. Caramaschi S. Counteracting food deserts. The potential for mobile food vending in regenerating contemporary cities. Int J Sustain Dev Plan. 2017;12(4):744–51.
- 40.
Battersby J. Cities and urban food poverty in Africa. In: Watson V, Bhan V, Srinas S, editors. Companion to planning the Global South. London: Routledge; 2018.
- 41. Allison N, Ray K, Rohel J. Mobilizing the streets: the role of food vendors in urban life. 2021; Available from: https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rffc20
- 42. Anyidoho NA, Steel WF. Informal-formal linkages in market and street trading in Accra. African Rev Econ Financ. 2016;8(2):171–200.
- 43. Rheinländer T, Olsen M, Bakang JA, Takyi H, Konradsen F, Samuelsen H. Keeping up appearances: Perceptions of street food safety in urban Kumasi, Ghana. J Urban Health [Internet]. 2008 Nov [cited 2014 Jan 15];85(6):952–64. Available from: http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=2587647&tool=pmcentrez&rendertype=abstract pmid:18821020
- 44. Mensah P, Yeboah-Manu D, Owusu-Darko K, Ablordey A. Street foods in Accra, Ghana: How safe are they? Bull World Health Organ. 2002 Jan;80(7):546–54. pmid:12163918
- 45. von Holy A, Makhoane FM. Improving street food vending in South Africa: Achievements and lessons learned. Int J Food Microbiol. 2006;111(2):89–92. pmid:16857283
- 46. Hill J, Mchiza Z, Puoane T, Steyn NP. Food sold by street-food vendors in Cape Town and surrounding areas: a focus on food and nutrition knowledge as well as practices related to food preparation of street-food vendors. 2018 [cited 2021 Aug 5]; Available from: https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=when20
- 47. Sahibzada UF, Farid T, Khan AW, Mardan U, Ali Z, Salam MA, et al. The Impact of Urban Culture on Street Vending: A Path Model Analysis of the General Public’s Perspective. Front Psychol | www.frontiersin.org [Internet]. 2022;1:831014. Available from: www.frontiersin.org
- 48. Pereira L, Drimie S. Governance Arrangements for the Future Food System: Addressing Complexity in South Africa. Environ Sci Policy Sustain Dev [Internet]. 2016 Jul 3;58(4):18–31. Available from: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00139157.2016.1186438
- 49. Haysom G, Crush J, Caesar M. The urban food system of Cape Town, South Africa [Internet]. 2017. Report No.: 3. Available from: https://scholars.wlu.ca/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1016&context=hcp
- 50. Battersby J, Haysom G, Tawodzera G, Mclachlan M, Crush J, Lombard T, et al. Food system and food security: Study for the City of Cape Town. Cape Town; 2014.
- 51. Battersby J, Marshak M, Mngqibisa N. Mapping the informal food economy of Cape Town, South Africa [Internet]. Cape Town; 2016. Report No.: 5. Available from: www.hungrycities.net.
- 52. Hunter-Adams J, Battersby J, Oni T. Food insecurity in relation to obesity in peri-urban Cape Town, South Africa: Implications for diet-related non-communicable disease. Appetite. 2019;137:244–9. pmid:30872143
- 53. Zgambo O, Pereira L, Drimie S, Boatemaa S. T-labs for alternative food systems in the Western Cape [Internet]. Stellenbosch; 2018. Available from: https://www0.sun.ac.za/cst/publication/t-labs-for-alternative-food-systems-in-the-western-cape/
- 54. Kushitor SB, Curries P, Drimie S, Badu M, Faragher T, Bhikoo J, et al. System approaches to food and nutrition security and urban resilience: Lessons from Cape Town, South Africa and Kumasi, Ghana. Sellenbosch; 2020.
- 55. Ocean M, Tigertail K, Keller J, Woods K. Developing and implementing a participatory action research assistantship program at the community college. Qual Rep. 2018;23(2):456–69.
- 56. Braun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qual Res Psychol. 2006;3(2):77–101.