Sub-theme 1.1: Cognition:

Nearly all mothers described themselves as the primary food preparers within the household, although the extent of control over food choices varied based on their children’s preferences and household circumstances. Aside from food preparation, the mothers also stated that their children’s food preferences influenced their decisions about what food products to purchase during grocery shopping. They continually allowed their children to choose which food they liked. However, their children often choose junk food over healthy food. If the mothers made choices, the children often rejected the food they prepared due to unfavorable tastes, among others. This was explained by Mrs. CY;

“She (her child) likes biscuits with cheese. She chooses it because she is going to eat it later. Sometimes she refuses to eat if I make the choice. I ask her to choose which one she wants to eat. So, I am not going to make the selection on her behalf. She refused to eat it when I bought it for her. She is not interested. She said that it is not tasty.” (Mrs. CY, 27 years, homemaker)

In some families, the mothers admitted that they consumed all the foods rejected by their children because they did not want them to be wasted. They were also aware that they gained weight because they constantly consumed these leftover foods, a sentiment illustrated by Mrs. KN;

“She does not eat (the food that she dislikes). She only eats the outer skin. After that, she leaves the food. Her mother would eat. That is why her mother is ‘skinny’.” (Mrs. KN, 45 years, food seller)

Several mothers admitted that they rarely prepared food because they lacked motivation to prepare meals at home. Instead, they preferred to purchase takeaway food or eat at food outlets with their children. As shared by Mrs. LB;

“I buy ‘pattaya’ fried rice (fried rice covered in a thin fried egg). Sometimes, I buy fried vermicelli. I am too lazy to cook. So I just buy it. Sometimes, I buy vermicelli soup. That’s all. I bought a pack for everyone.” (Mrs. LB, 52 years, food seller)

These views were commonly expressed among both homemakers and employed mothers, suggesting that children had a widespread influence on household food decisions across different family situations. Mothers experiencing financial hardship also more frequently described consuming leftover foods to avoid food wastage.

Sub-theme 1.2: Demographics:

Most of the mothers stated that the number of individuals in the household influences food preparation at home. On the one hand, mothers from smaller households more frequently described takeaway foods as practical and economical. They commented that every time they cooked for their families, they ended up wasting food because only a small number of family members ate them. Mrs. KS, a mother of five children, rarely cooked food at home because she only lived with her two children; the other children worked in different districts, so they stayed in hostels. Thus, Mrs. KS thought that purchasing takeaway food was more economical than cooking food at home, as reflected in this quote:

“Sometimes, we cannot finish eating a handful of rice. We throw it away and feed it to the chickens. Therefore, I do not cook. There is no need to cook. If we eat, it will cost us five ringgits for two people. The others are at work. She goes to school. Her sister is working. Only two people are left at home.” (Mrs. KS, 46 years, food seller)

On the other hand, mothers from larger households commonly preferred preparing meals at home because purchasing takeaway foods for many family members was perceived as financially burdensome. Some mothers, including Mrs. CY, believed that purchasing takeaway food or eating out was more expensive than home food preparation. Mrs CY is a homemaker with three children; she also lives with her husband, mother, and elder brother. She stated at preference for preparing food at home because it was more cost-effective. She added that home food preparation allowed her to prepare food in large quantities, which her children consumed in large amounts.

“They can eat more if I make it myself. It is costly to purchase. Besides, there is not enough food. There are many people in this household. Since there are many individuals at home, I prepare meals myself. If I buy it, it may be a waste of money. I have to spend a lot of money because it is expensive. Many people can eat a chicken if I cook it myself.” (Mrs. CY, 27 years, homemaker)

In addition, maternal working status also influenced home food preparation. In this study, two-thirds of the mothers were involved in the labour force. Their working schedules involved long hours, fixed schedules, or shift work, resulting in time constraints related to home food preparation. Therefore, they usually feed their children throughout their hectic schedules by purchasing takeaway food because this option was more convenient than home food preparation. Mrs. KZ, a fish seller, always bought takeaway food because she often arrived home late and did not have enough time to cook food for her family;

“I do not cook. Sometimes, I have time to cook; sometimes, I do not. I buy food from food outlets. Indeed, I do not have time. I return home after 1 pm. I do not have time.” (Mrs. KZ, 47 years, fish seller)

Aside from purchasing takeaway food, working mothers also preferred to cook instant food for their children whenever they had limited time to prepare meals. Many mothers said that instant foods, including frozen food and instant noodles, were always available in their kitchens. They usually prepared these whenever they were in a hurry or arrived home late after work because these food products required less preparation time and could quickly satisfy hungry children. As shared by Mrs. KF, a food seller:

“Every morning, I prepare meals for my children. It is either nuggets or hot dogs. Sometimes, I cook french fries. It is challenging to prepare complete meals. I do not cook fried rice for breakfast.” (Mrs. KF, 43 years, food seller)

Some mothers experiencing financial hardship claimed that preparing several dishes during mealtime, which required a higher budget, was beyond their means. Thus, they usually cooked one type of dish with fewer ingredients or condiments because it was an economical choice. Even though they did not have variety on their menus, they believed the foods they prepared were delicious because their children often consumed them in large quantities. For instance, Mrs. SZ described that her children ate food in large quantities, even though she served simple dishes, such as fried eggs with sauces, whenever her family had limited financial resources:

“I occasionally make fried eggs. I know my kid will eat it. He also likes to put soy sauce on his egg. He eats well. Sometimes, he will eat three plates of rice.” (Mrs. SZ, 44 years, cleaner)

Several mothers experiencing financial constraints described preparing simple meals with limited food variety, indicating that economic hardship influenced both meal composition and dietary diversity within households. This theme revealed that mothers often negotiated food choices within the constraints of financial hardship, time limitations, and their children’s food preferences. Therefore, as these findings indicated, household dietary practices were strongly influenced by broader socioeconomic and household dynamics rather than personal preference alone.

Sub-theme 1.3: Skills:

In some households, the mothers were not the only food preparers. They pointed out that their daughters also had good cooking skills and often prepared food for their families. Some of the mothers, such as Mrs. KZ, mentioned that their children were good at cooking fried food and traditional desserts.

“On Thursdays and Fridays, if she feels like making dinner, she makes dinner. She makes pacts with her friends on occasion, typically when there is a school program. ‘Here, you make this dish, and I will make that.’ She makes fried ‘popiah’ (spring rolls). ‘Popiah’ stuffed with crab filling. She did it on her own.” (Mrs. KZ, 47 years, fish seller)

The qualitative findings complemented the quantitative results by explaining how maternal education, household economic constraints, and caregiving practices influenced food-related decisions within families. While the quantitative findings demonstrated links between socio-demographic characteristics and obesity risk, qualitative data from the interviews revealed the behavioral mechanisms underlying these relationships, including reliance on takeaway foods, consumption of inexpensive energy-dense foods, and limited time for home food preparation.

Sub-theme 2.1: Mother-child relationship:

In most families, the children consumed foods similar to what their mothers ate because the dishes prepared by their mothers were usually identical for all family members. Unintentionally, modelling unhealthy dietary behavior can adversely affect children’s food intake. This pattern was described by many mothers, particularly among households where family members routinely shared the same meals and eating practices. For instance, children developed picky eating behaviors by modelling their mothers’ fussy nutritional habits. Mrs. KN recounted how she was very particular about what she ate and how much she liked fried food. Consequently, her daughter also developed similar food preferences:

“She is a picky eater too. She imitates her mother in every way. She will not eat rice unless I add it with fried meat or chicken. She will not eat if the food is dry. She consumes the fried meat’s oil.” (Mrs. KN, 45 years, food seller)

Like dietary behavior, maternal modelling of physical activity can also influence children to be physically active. Few mothers acknowledged the benefits of exercise on body weight management. They described asking their children to be their companions whenever they wanted to exercise at the park or at home. However, some mothers admitted that they were unable to exercise regularly with their children because they had hectic schedules:

“The child has begun attending school. She had been on a school break before this. So, there was no reason we couldn’t go every day. I brought my children along. We hopped on the bike and rode off. Now, it appears that she has become too busy since returning to school. She is always tired too. Even though I want her to come along, she is too exhausted. So, I choose not to go. It has been a month.” (Mrs. CY, 27 years, homemaker)

Furthermore, some mothers mentioned that they often offer food to their children to comfort their negative emotions, such as when they felt upset or stressed. Mrs. KF, mother of a non-verbal autistic child, shared her experience in which her son constantly felt hungry even though he had just finished his meal. He continually requested food and would throw a tantrum if he did not get what he wanted. Mrs. KF expressed that she always felt apprehensive whenever her son hurt himself. Therefore, she admitted that she would just serve him food constantly to keep him quiet and calm. According to Mrs. KF;

“He has eaten fried noodles at 10.30 p.m. After that, he requests rice at midnight. So, I give him rice. Later, at 2.00 a.m., he requests rice because he feels hungry again. If I do not give it to him, he will cause a commotion in the kitchen.” (Mrs KF, 43 years, homemaker)

Almost all mothers mentioned that they did not consume meals for breakfast together with their children. One of the reasons was that they had limited time in the morning due to occupational and domestic activities. They admitted that they usually skipped breakfast or ate meals at irregular times. Mothers and husbands typically bought takeaway food or ate breakfast at work, while their children at theirs at school. One of the mothers, Mrs. NA, recalled her childhood memories of having meals with her parents. Nonetheless, she could not practice family meals with her children because she perceived that the situation was very different between now and then:

“There will be no family mealtimes. I eat my meals on my own. I occasionally eat even though I serve the food. During that time, they are still full. In the past, I ate with my parents. Now, it is different. Who is hungry? Eat. Since I am full, I will not eat anything. That is how it is. We eat separately.” (Mrs NA, 47 years, cleaner)

Sub-theme 2.2: Paternal influence:

The children also learned dietary behavior and food preferences from their fathers. Many mothers stated that their husbands preferred to drink sugary beverages daily. Thus, they usually served sugary drinks to their husbands during breakfast, teatime and dinner. When they prepared those drinks for their husbands, their children typically requested same beverages. Therefore, they usually prepared these drinks in large quantities so that their children can have some along with their fathers. As shared by Mrs. KW;

“Whatever his father makes, he makes them too. He would make iced tea if I make a jug of tea. He adds ice and water. He always requests chilled beverages. He does not want to drink hot water. When I make tea every morning, he will get ice and pour tea in the ice.” (Mrs. KW, 38 years, homemaker)

In this study, parental modelling emerged not only as a behavioral influence but also as a mechanism through which unhealthy dietary and sedentary practices were passed on and normalized within the family environment and subsequently followed by their children. The findings from both approaches converged in terms of demonstrating the important role of family dynamics in intergenerational obesity. Specifically, in the quantitative approach, maternal and household characteristics were associated with intergenerational obesity risk, while the qualitative findings illustrated how parental modelling, feeding practices, and family routines contributed to the transmission of unhealthy dietary and sedentary behaviors between OW/OB mothers and their children.

Sub-theme 3.1: Home food environment:

During the interviews, the mothers were asked to describe the types of food available in their homes. Most of them reported having junk food in their homes. They often bought these foods to prevent their children from getting hungry. They always stockpiled biscuits, potato chips, fish crackers, hot dogs, french fries, and instant noodles. Mrs. KL, a food seller, explained that she always purchased and stocked instant food at home every month. Notably, because instant food was easy to prepare and dis not require good cooking skills, she said that her daughter was able to prepare the instant food herself whenever she felt exhausted and lacked the energy to cook for her family. As described by Mrs. KL;

“I dido purchase them, but only once every month. If they are french fries, I do not always consume them. They are kept in the refrigerator. I am always exhausted when I reach home after work. Who wants to do the cooking anyway? I will not eat unless she (her daughter) prepares the food.” (Mrs. KL, 47 years, food seller)

The easy availability of junk food at home has influenced mothers and their children to practice unhealthy snacking habits. Because junk food can be consumed at any time, one of the mothers admitted that she always snacksed on junk food while watching television, and the quantity increased at night.

“I eat at my house. There is everything at home. Even though I have eaten my meal, I often snack while watching television. Perhaps, I eat more at night.” (Mrs KL, 47 years, food seller)

Sub-theme 3.2: Built environment:

The types of food outlets in the neighborhood determine the mothers’ choice of location for purchasing foods. For instance, some mothers preferred to buy food at low-price supermarkets, such as Mydin and Tesco, because they were more economical than grocery shops. Moreover, various brands are readily available at low-cost supermarkets with diverse prices. They also preferred to purchase at low-cost supermarkets rather than groceries because of the price promotions. As described by Mrs. KA, she only purchased discounted foods whenever she had to do grocery shopping:

“I will buy anything that is on sale, whether they are hotdogs or burger patties. If there is no sale, I will not buy it. I am willing to spend 6 Ringgit if it means I can get three goods. If it costs more than 2 Ringgit for a single unit, I will not purchase it. My children will not purchase expensive goods. We check the price.” (Mrs. KA, 41 years, homemaker)

Some of the mothers mentioned that they occasionally brought their children to supermarkets. During family shopping trips, children often requested junk foods because they were placed within their line of sight and could be easily reached. The variety of junk foods available in the supermarkets is illustrated in Mrs. KF’s description:

“There are crackers and toys. The kids also noticed that there were chocolates at the bottom. They took it. Besides, we can find Vitagen and other beverages.” (Mrs. KF, 43 years, food seller)

Some mothers described that the grocery shops were within walking distance of their homes, while a few others stated that roadside hawker stalls were available in their neighborhoods. Thus, children could purchase unhealthy foods at any time. During her interview, Mrs. SM showed a grocery shop in front of her house. As her daughter was a picky eater, she always gave her daughter pocket money to buy any food she wished to eat. Even though Mrs. SM knew that her daughter often bought soft drinks and potato chips that had high salt and calorie contents, she said she could not control her daughter because various junk foods were available in the stores nearby:

“She buys potato chips. Potato chips are also said to be salty. Am I correct? Since they like it, what can I do? I give her money and let her buy anything. I am unable to stop it either. There are numerous things (in the shop). It is also said to contain Ajinomoto seasonings, right? I [still]permitted her to make the purchase. At least, she eats something.” (Mrs. SM, 44 years, cleaner)

Some mothers who were part of this study mentioned that their neighborhoods lacked public amenities, such as parks, playgrounds, or sports facilities. Mrs. KL, who lived in a rural area, commented that her house was far from green spaces. For this reason, her children were not interested in outdoor activities and usually spent more time at home. As Mrs. KL explained:

“The park is far away. He does not seem to be interested in anything. He does not go anywhere and just uses his mobile phone at home. He stays at home.” (Mrs. KL, 47 years, food seller)

Meanwhile, some mothers raised safety issues to explain why their children are not involved in outdoor activities. Due to high crime rates in their neighborhoods, one of their concerns was crime-related safety. A few mothers admitted that they did not allow their children to engage in outdoor activities because they worried that they would be exposed to stranger danger. They only allowed their children to do outdoor activities with adult supervision. Mrs. SJ shared her concerns as follows:

“She rarely goes to the park. Her dad will take her there if he is around. Otherwise, she rarely leaves the house. She rides her bicycle outdoors. It is also the thing that she kept asking for. She would not go if I did not permit her to do so. She leads a sedentary lifestyle. She does not have any friends. She wants to make friends. Sometimes I have a lot of negative thoughts. Particularly in the close-by neighborhoods. There are a lot of naughty boys.” (Mrs. SJ, 30 years, factory worker)

Apart from above, a few mothers mentioned that they did not allow their children to play outside because of traffic-related safety concerns. As explained by Mrs. SR, her son had to play by the roadsides because there was no recreational park near her residential area. Yet, even though she allowed her son to play outside occasionally, she still worried about his safety. Sometimes, she prevented her son from going outside at all, especially if there were many vehicles on the road.

“It does not appear to be a suitable location. Some of the areas have many cars passing by. However, this is the only place available to play. That is the only available spot in this location.” (Mrs. SR, 45 years, homemaker)

While some mothers did mention the availability of public playgrounds in their residential areas, a few complained that the equipment and cleanliness of these green spaces were poorly maintained, rendering them unsafe to be used by the children. Mrs. KF, who lived in a flat house, said that she did not allow her son to play at the playground near her home because the public amenities were broken. She also worried that the broken glasses on the ground could injure her son. Therefore, she only allowed her son to play with his friends within the corridors of the flat house:

“I do not allow him to go to the park. The park is obviously in terrible shape. There are lots of shattered glasses caused by drunk people.” (Mrs. KF, 43 years, food seller)

Concerns regarding neighborhood safety and limited recreational facilities were more frequently raised among mothers living in densely populated low-income housing areas. These findings suggest that environmental constraints, including limited access to safe recreational spaces and affordable healthy foods, reinforced sedentary lifestyles and reliance on inexpensive energy-dense foods among both mothers and children.

Sub-theme 4.1: Food price:

The results showed that, because of financial hardship, food prices strongly influenced some mothers’ food-purchasing decisions. Concerns regarding increasing food prices were consistently reported across the participants, regardless of employment status, indicating that financial pressure was a shared challenge among low-income households. In particular, the mothers shared that they usually experienced heavy financial burdens, especially for essential needs. Most had to prioritize their house rental fees, utility bills, children’s schooling expenses, and food. They also confessed that they could not afford fruits because they were pricey. Therefore, fruits were rarely available in their homes. For example, Mrs. NK, a mother of three children, confessed that she rarely purchased fruit because of the high cost. She admitted that she came from an impoverished family because she was just a homemaker, while her husband was a village worker who received inconsistent incomes from engaging in agricultural labor. Mrs. NK explained their situation as follows:

“The cost of fruit is high. We are poor. We rarely purchase fresh fruit. Only coconuts are available (laughs). They do not cost anything because my husband can climb up on the coconut tree by himself to get them. We cannot afford to buy Sunkist oranges. The price is too high for me to pay.” (Mrs. NK, 38 years, homemaker)

Aside from neglecting expensive healthful foods, some mother often purchased and stockpiled low-cost foods such as anchovies, salted fish, and instant noodles which were always available at their homes as emergency food supplies. Their families consumed these foods whenever they had limited cash for fresh foods.

Many mothers shared that fast foods, such as KFC and McDonald’s, were expensive. Because of their limited financial resources, they always prepared fast foods similar to those sold by Western outlets so as not to frustrate or disappoint their children. They also believed that homemade fast food was a cost-saving option that their children could consume in large quantities until they felt satisfied. In her interview, Mrs. SZ shared her strategy whenever her children requested to eat fried chicken from KFC:

“Even though I have a job, the income that I have earned is fairly adequate to cover my food expenses. Sometimes, when I want to buy something like that, it is more cost-effective for me to prepare it myself. So, I buy a chicken. Later, I cooked it with KFC flour so it became KFC. It is exactly like that. After that, the sauce is added.” (Mrs SZ, 44 years, cleaner)

Sub-theme 4.2: Media influence:

Almost all families in this study had a television at home, except for two who were unable to buy one. Notably, the availability of television at home affected children’s physical activities. For example, as described by Mrs. KI, her son preferred watching television at home rather than engaging in outdoor activities with his friends:

“He dislikes interacting with other people. In fact, he has always preferred to spend time at home. He does not have a handphone, thus it is not because of the handphone. He sits and watches television there.” (Mrs KI, 41 years, cleaner)

Some of the mothers also recounted that when their children used mobile phones, they sleep late and developed the habit of consuming food at midnight. According to Mrs. SW, whenever her son slept late during weekends, she always noticed dirty dishes piled high in the kitchen sink in the morning. She thought that her child always consumed food at midnight while watching videos on the internet:

“On Saturday and Sunday nights, if he is unable to fall asleep, he stays up and watches videos on YouTube. He eats again at 1 a.m. Then, between 1.30 a.m. and 2:00 a.m., he gets up. He goes back to pick up the plate. I am unsure of the amounts [of food]. I have no idea why there are always so many dirty dishes in the washing bin. Even after washing them all, there are still a lot of dishes. It is because of this fat boy. He eats at 2:00 a.m. He eats at 3:00 a.m. He eats at 4:00 a.m. Later, before he goes to bed, he eats again. That is why he has a big body.” (Mrs SW, 37 years, homemaker)

A few mothers acknowledged that their children learned to cook new recipes by watching culinary videos on mobile phones. They gave examples of several social media platforms, such as YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook, that helped them get new recipes. Some of the mothers recalled eating, such as cakes, traditional desserts, fried rice, and Western foods, prepared by their children. For example, during her interview, Mrs. KL praised her 17-year-old daughter for making delicious foods. She shared that her daughter not only had talent in cooking international dishes, such as Western foods, which she learned from social media, but she also learned to improvise and modify the recipes to suit her family’s taste:

“It has a wide variety. It depends on her. She gets a lot of her cooking inspiration from Instagram, for example, food from other countries. She cooks extraordinary food. That is how it is. She prepares spaghetti as well. She also makes macaroni.” (Mrs KL, 47 years, food seller)

Overall, the qualitative findings expanded the quantitative results by highlighting broader environmental and structural influences that were not captured in the survey data. Factors such as food prices, neighborhood safety, accessibility of recreational spaces, and availability of unhealthy foods emerged as important contextual determinants that may help explain the presence of intergenerational obesity among Malaysian low-income households. Taken together, the integration of quantitative and qualitative findings demonstrated convergence between the socio-demographic patterns identified in the national survey data and the lived experiences described by all the participants.