Population.

This review focuses on women and girls residing in sub-Saharan Africa, examining their experiences with TFGBV. There are no restrictions based on age, disability, marital status, occupation, socio-economic status and sociodemographic information. To be included, studies must explicitly disaggregate data by gender and identify GBV acts facilitated through digital technologies, where the violence is motivated by the victim’s gender and intended to harm or exploit women and girls. Studies that focus solely on men, or that are gender-neutral/gender-blind, are excluded, as the review is specifically concerned with the gendered nature of violence targeting women and girls.

Concept.

This review explores technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) against women and girls, a form of gender-based violence in which digital technologies and online platforms are used to enable, facilitate, amplify, or perpetrate violence targeting individuals because of their gender. The review specifically focuses on violence directed toward women and girls through widely accessible digital technologies such as smartphones, tablets, computers, social media platforms, messaging applications, and online communication tools, including but not limited to Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, WhatsApp, Telegram, X (formerly Twitter), and dating applications. Studies were excluded if they addressed gender-based violence without a technological component or examined technology-assisted violence that was not gender-motivated or not specifically directed toward women and girls.

Context.

This review is limited to sub-Saharan African countries, as defined by the World Bank classification [24]. Studies from other African regions or non-African countries were excluded. For multi-country studies, only findings that are specifically reported for sub-Saharan African countries were considered. Studies where sub-Saharan African data could not be disaggregated were excluded.

Cyber-harassment (online hate speech).

Five studies reported cyber-harassment as a common form of TFGBV experienced by women and girls in sub-Saharan Africa [34,36,37,39,42]. Cyber-harassment included repeated sexist, threatening, degrading, or abusive communication delivered through social media platforms, messaging applications, and online discussion spaces. A Tanzanian study reported that women commonly experienced threatening and insulting messages through Facebook, WhatsApp, and Twitter platforms [37]. Similarly, research from Zimbabwe identified sexist online abuse and misogynistic attacks on social media as frequent experiences among women internet users [36]. Another Zimbabwean study found that women were repeatedly exposed to degrading comments, threats, and online intimidation through digital platforms [37].

In Malawi, women described receiving offensive and abusive messages through online communication platforms, particularly social media applications [39]. A study conducted among students in Ghana reported that 73.2% of participants had received offensive text messages, while 31.1% had received abusive emails, indicating that text-based harassment was more prevalent than email-based harassment [42].Overall, cyber-harassment manifested through hate speech, repeated abusive communication, misogynistic comments, threats, and intimidation targeting women and girls online.

Cyber-bullying.

Three studies reported cyber-bullying as a manifestation of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [29,31,42]. Cyber-bullying involved repeated hostile online behavior intended to ridicule, shame, threaten, or socially isolate victims. A study among Kenyan university students identified Facebook-based bullying as a common form of online aggression targeting students [31]. Another Kenyan study found that some victims of cyber-victimization later engaged in retaliatory cyber-bullying against others, including gendered online harassment and humiliation [29]. The study also noted that cyber-bullying frequently involved rumor spreading, public ridicule, and online shaming.

Research conducted in Ghana indicated that offensive text messages and abusive digital communication were common among students and often contributed to online bullying experiences [42]. Across the studies, cyber-bullying manifested through online ridicule, rumor dissemination, public humiliation, repeated harassment, and peer-based digital aggression.

Cyber-stalking and digital monitoring.

Cyber stalking and digital monitoring were addressed in eleven studies across Sub-Saharan Africa [27–29,31,32,34,37,39,41,44,45]. These behaviors are consistently framed as significant and escalating forms of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV). Several studies highlighted university students as disproportionately affected, with reported victimization rates ranging from 49.7% to 75.8%, substantially higher than the 23% reported among secondary school students [27,29,44].The forms of cyber stalking ranged from repeated messaging and digital surveillance to unauthorized access of private accounts and forced password disclosure [32,34]. The role of cyber stalking in intimate partner violence (IPV) was emphasized in multiple studies. Behaviors such as monitoring online activity, GPS tracking, coercing access to digital accounts, and incessant messaging were noted as tools of control and harassment. For instance, among university students, “coercive-control” cyber dating abuse especially via platforms like WhatsApp was identified as the most pervasive form of [28,41]. A study from the University of Dar es Salaam underlined that these practices are not isolated, but rooted in gendered power dynamics and structural inequalities, reinforcing offline patterns of control and abuse [37].

Non-consensual intimate-image distribution (NCII); “Revenge porn”.

Seven studies examined non-consensual intimate-image distribution (NCII), commonly referred to as “revenge porn,” as a major manifestation of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [30,32–34,36,39,40]. The studies described NCII as the sharing or threatening to share sexually explicit images without consent to humiliate, blackmail, intimidate, or control victims. In Uganda, survivors and legal stakeholders identified revenge porn as a widespread form of abuse linked to coercion, social humiliation, and intimidation [33]. Another Ugandan study reported that perpetrators frequently used intimate images to threaten and silence women [34]. In Malawi, women described experiences of blackmail involving nude images and threats of public exposure through digital platforms [39]. Research from Zimbabwe found that women experienced the circulation of nude or semi-nude images on social media platforms without consent, often resulting in reputational harm and social stigma [36]. Similarly, a Nigerian study reported that perpetrators distributed intimate images to exploit, shame, or extort women online [40]. Studies from Kenya highlighted how consensually shared intimate images later became tools for abuse within romantic relationships [30,32]. One Kenyan study found that images initially exchanged as expressions of intimacy were later used to manipulate, threaten, or publicly shame women after relationship disputes or separation [32]. Across the included studies, NCII manifested through image-based abuse, online humiliation, blackmail, coercion, reputational attacks, and digital intimidation.

Sextortion.

Four studies identified sextortion as an important manifestation of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [37,39–41]. Sextortion involved threats to release intimate images, videos, or private digital conversations unless victims complied with demands for money, sexual favors, or other forms of exploitation. A study conducted in Malawi reported high levels of online exploitation involving threats linked to intimate digital content [39]. In Tanzania, research conducted within higher education institutions found that sextortion was prevalent among female students, with some perpetrators reportedly being academic staff members who used digital communication to coerce students into sexual relationships [37]. Research from Nigeria documented cases in which perpetrators used sexually explicit content to blackmail women for financial gain or sexual compliance [40]. Another study from East Africa described sextortion as a form of coercive digital abuse that could escalate into offline physical and psychological violence [41]. Across the included studies, sextortion manifested through digital blackmail, coercion, exploitation, threats of image release, and abuse of institutional or relational power.

Cyber-dating abuse (digital intimate-partner violence).

Five studies reported cyber-dating abuse, also referred to as digital intimate partner violence, as a common manifestation of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [27,28,32,39,40]. The studies described cyber-dating abuse as abusive, controlling, or exploitative behaviors occurring within intimate or romantic relationships through digital technologies and online platforms. Research conducted among university students in Kenya reported a high prevalence of cyber-dating abuse. One study found that 87.3% of students involved in online dating had experienced at least one form of digital abuse [28]. The manifestations of abuse included excessive monitoring of partners’ online activities, coercive messaging, threats, harassment, emotional manipulation, and controlling behaviors through social media and messaging platforms [27,32]. Studies also identified online dating applications and social networking platforms as important pathways facilitating abuse. In Malawi, dating applications were specifically associated with incidents of digital intimate partner violence [39]. Additionally, some studies described cyber-dating abuse in the form of online dating scams, deception, and exploitation targeting women through digital relationships [40]. Overall, the findings indicate that cyber-dating abuse manifests through coercive control, emotional abuse, surveillance, harassment, and exploitation within digitally mediated intimate relationships.

Defamation, doxxing and public shaming.

Multiple studies identified defamation, doxxing, and public shaming as interconnected manifestations of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [31,39,41]. These forms of abuse involved the dissemination of false information, unauthorized disclosure of personal information, and deliberate public humiliation intended to damage victims’ reputations, privacy, and psychological well-being Studies from Malawi reported that online defamation was among the most frequently experienced forms of cyber violence against women [39]. Manifestations included spreading false accusations, reputational attacks, and circulation of harmful or misleading information through social media and online communication platforms. Research conducted in Kenya found that women with larger social media networks were more likely to experience public shaming and reputational attacks on platforms such as Facebook [31]. The studies further indicated that doxxing involved exposing personal details, photographs, or identifying information without consent, thereby increasing victims’ vulnerability to harassment and intimidation [41].

Psychological impacts of technology-facilitated gender-based violence.

Seven studies [27,32,35,38,39,41,42] reported psychological consequences of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV). A study from Kenya and Nigeria found that the majority of respondents experienced depression, anxiety, and fear as a result of victimization [32,38]. Particularly severe are the psychosocial impacts of “revenge porn,” with victims in Zimbabwe and Kenya reporting anxiety, depression, and even suicidal thoughts after discovering that their naked images were viewed by parents, friends, and others [27,35]. Another study highlighted that TFGBV, such as cyber bullying, often leads to psychological symptoms including anxiety and depression [42]. In Malawi, research showed that 49.3% of victims lived in fear, 3% suffered from depression, 1.5% had suicidal thoughts, and 9% experienced anxiety as a result of cyber bullying [39].Additionally, a multi-country study covering sub-Saharan Africa reported that 56% of survivors of TFGBV frequently suffered psychological harm, including anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, fear, and suicidal thoughts [41].

Effect on Academic and educational performance.

Evidence from seven studies conducted on students in different countries of sub-Saharan Africa [27,31,32,37,38,42,45] indicated that technology-facilitated gender-based violence extends to the learning process and academic performance. Technology-assisted gender-based violence impact is not limited to psychological consequences; it also extends to the learning process and academic performance. This occurs through the combined psychological impacts, which worsen students’ academic performances, leading to issues like skipping classes, attention deficits, inability to handle assignments timely, and lower grade [32,38,45]. The negative effect of technology-assisted gender-based violence on academic performance is mediated by the depression and fear it imposes, and when it involves different types of TFGBV like revenge porn, it even leads to shame and embarrassment of facing classmates [27]. Moreover, even school deans have reported that they spend their time resolving cases related to online GBV in Kenya [31].

Social and reputational damage.

Six studies [30,33,36,37,39] reported the social impact and reputational damage associated with technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV). Several studies reported effects such as social withdrawal [30,33,37,39]. In Malawi [39]found that 68.7% of victims withdrew from online activities due to public defamation and shaming, 17.2% reported loss of reputation, 9% disengaged from social activities, 3% became isolated from colleagues and family, and 1.5% relocated from their communities. Similarly, findings from Kenya indicate that even women and girls who voluntarily shared nude images within romantic relationships later reported feelings of insecurity [30]. Reputational damage was linked to the erosion of personal dignity among victims [37]. Victims are often engaged in social withdrawal as a self-preservation measure, potentially reducing women’s and girls’ contributions to development via digital platforms [33],Perpetrators were sometimes perceived as “champions,” while victims were labelled with stigmatizing terms contributing to victims’ reluctance to seek help and resulting in silent suffering [33,36] specifically finding from sub-Saharan African countries indicates that only 5% seek counseling while 32% responded by blocking offender [40].

Help-seeking barriers and long-term consequence.

Finally, four studies [27,37,39,40] identified multiple barriers that hindered victims from seeking help. Personal barriers included shame, stigma, lack of awareness, and digital disengagement, which sometimes led victims to interpret online interactions as trust rather than risk [27,37,39]. Social and cultural barriers such as patriarchal norms and lack of community support, alongside institutional barriers like inadequate platform interventions and victim-blaming attitudes, further reduced help-seeking behavior. As a result, only 5% of victims sought counseling, while 32% choose for blocking offenders as their primary coping strategy [37,39,40].

Economic impact.

Three studies reported economic abuse as a consequence and manifestation of TFGBV in sub-Saharan Africa [39–41]. The studies described economic abuse as the use of digital technologies to cause financial harm, restrict economic opportunities, or exploit victims financially. Studies from Uganda and Rwanda reported that approximately 32% of participants experienced economic impacts related to TFGBV, including restrictions on internet use for entrepreneurship, business activities, and financial advancement. In Rwanda, the non-consensual leaking of intimate images, particularly when victims’ identities were revealed, resulted in job loss or voluntary resignation due to stigma and psychological distress [41].

Research from Nigeria described how perpetrators used impersonation tactics, online scams, and financial extortion to target women entrepreneurs and models through social media platforms. [40].In Malawi, women reported blackmail involving intimate images, leading to significant financial consequences; 76.1% reported income loss, while 12% reported difficulty obtaining new employment following victimization [39]. These findings demonstrate that economic abuse manifests through financial extortion, employment disruption, reputational damage affecting livelihoods, and restriction of women’s economic participation through digital abuse.

Generally, the types of gender-based violence perpetrated against women and girls, along with their effects in sub-Saharan Africa, are illustrated in Fig 2.

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Fig 2. Conceptual Framework of the review of technology facilitated gender based violence in sub-Saharan Africa.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0354526.g002