Ethnic migrant youths among migrant population of China

China has fifty-six minority groups as recognized by the State with more than 90% of the population being ethnic Han and the rest belonging to other ethnic minority groups [14]. Ethnic minorities in China are defined mainly by four characteristics which are people of indigenous origin living in a particular territory, speaking a common language, sharing the same economy and bearing particular cultural features [15]. Most ethnic minorities come from autonomous administrative regions which is characterized as areas with more than 50% of ethnic minorities or are historically resided by indigenous minorities [15]. More than half of the poverty in the country is concentrated in these autonomous administrative regions [16]. The population of ethnic minority migrants stood at 30 million in 2014 which constituted 28% of the 106.43 million ethnic minority population [17]. The 2020 census reports state that the migrant population from the ethnic minority groups have reached 37 million which constitutes 9.8% of the total migrant population. The National Census reports state that Hui, Tujia, Miao, Zangzu (Tibetan) and Manchu ethnic minority groups are the most widely spread minority groups in China which implies that their presence has expanded across numerous provinces throughout the country [18]. Migration to cities offer the youth from ethnic minorities from these regions an escape from poverty and an attempt at securing better livelihoods in China. Ethnic migrant youths are however vulnerable in many aspects when they migrate to the urban areas including unequal employment opportunities, housing, healthcare etc. The challenges that the ethnic migrant youths face in urban areas extend beyond rural-urban disparities to include language limitations, cultural adaptation, and unfamiliar urban norms and regulations.

Theoretical framework

Social integration of migrants in destination cities have been a topic of discussion in China since early 2000s when rural to urban migration accelerated and single person migration evolved into family unit migration [19]. Social integration of Chinese migrant population has been analyzed through various dimensions such as social, psychological, economic and demographic dimensions. The scholars who have been studying the migrant population of China have proposed various models which would aid in measuring and analyzing social integration in destination cities. However, ethnic identity has rarely been considered as an influencing factor in the study of social integration and this gap can be attributed to the fact that there is inadequate scholarly attention given to migrant population of ethnic minorities in China [18]. In an attempt to address this gap, we start by reviewing theoretical foundations related to identity construction and social integration process. We distinguish three connected constructs: ethnic self-identity, identity negotiation and social integration. Ethnic self-identity refers to how participants understand themselves as members of an ethnic group- the meaning and values attached to this membership. Identity negotiations refers to the dynamic process through which this self-identity is challenged, reaffirmed, or changed in the destination city context. Social integration refers to the multi-dimensional outcome covering economic participation, social network formation, psychological belonging and cultural adaptation.

Erikson conceptualizes identity as a subjective process of exploration, through which an individual situates themselves within the contexts of family, ethnicity and society [10]. He further posits that the status of this identity exploration is critical determinant of psychological well-being. For ethnic migrant youths the migration to urban areas is not just a change in geographic location but also a seismic shift in the very context Erikson identified as crucial. The urban areas represent a new, often dominant, mainstream culture with different norms, values and expectations where youths must navigate unfamiliar social codes which can be challenging with their rural and ethnic upbringing. The city influences their identity and the way they form identity which in turn shapes their mode and success of integration. Identity formation is a process that unfolds through the dynamic interaction between the individual and their specific environment. According to Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory, human development constitutes a process of perpetual adaptation, situated within and shaped by a complex, nested ecological context [20]. Ethnic social identity formation is a process of progressive, mutual adaptation between a developing person and a set of environmental systems. The impact of identity on social integration is determined by the degree of consonance and dissonance across these systems. A well balanced relationship between various systems within an individual’s ecology provides consistent, supportive messages that value the youth’s ethnic heritage, facilitates the formation of a resilient, integrated identity which forms the foundation of successful social integration.

Ethnic identity construction is a nuanced process which requires the understanding of how social, political, cultural and historical contexts interact with and influence identity formation. Phinney and Ong argue that individuals capable of integrating one’s ethnic group membership into their self-identity tend to lead healthier and more fulfilling life [21]. Migration to destination cities puts the youth in a position where new information and context about their ethnic identity is expected to challenge their existing ethnic beliefs and attitudes [22]. The consequences of constant interaction between one’s established ethnic identity and the new reality in urban destinations that involves stereotypes, cultural socialization, multiculturalism etc determines the integration of ethnic migrants into mainstream societies of the destination cities.

The four theoretical perspectives used in this study operate at different but complementary levels that together explain ethnic identity negotiation during rural-to-urban migration. Table 1 summarizes how each perspective informs a specific analytical dimension and how each dimension corresponds to the empirical themes presented in the Results. Ecological systems theory [20] provides the structural level, showing how family, community, institutions and society shape the context for integration. Eriksonian identity theory and social cognitive models [9,10] address the individual level, explaining how migrants explore and commit to ethnic identity during their transition phases. Social identity theory [23] operates at the group level, explaining how in-group and out-group categorizations shape social boundaries and integration paths. These levels work together to show how ethnic self-identity is shaped by structure, developed by individuals and expressed through group dynamics.

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Table 1. Correspondence between theoretical perspectives, analytical dimensions, and empirical themes.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0353655.t001

Table 1 clarifies how the four theoretical perspectives jointly informed our analysis. The five empirical themes were not derived deductively from these theories. Consistent with the inductive commitments of IPA, the themes emerged from exploratory comments that were clustered into emergent and super-ordinate themes on a case-by-case basis, as described in the Methodology. The theoretical perspectives were engaged at the interpretative stage: social identity theory illuminates the group-level processes underlying ethnic self-categorization and perceived discrimination; Eriksonian identity theory explains the individual-level renegotiation that culminates in bicultural identity integration; ecological systems theory situates language proficiency and cultural practices within nested structural contexts; and Berry’s framework provides the outcome typology through which the overall pattern of strong identity retention with limited host-community contact is interpreted. Several themes are informed by more than one perspective, reflecting the multi-level nature of identity negotiation in structurally segregated migration settings

The scholars in China have identified four types of social integration among migrants based on socio-economic indicators and cultural psychological indicators namely integration, segregation, assimilation and marginalization [13,18]. The most common factor determining the type of social integration is the level of cultural identity that the migrants retain or maintain while trying to adapt to their destination cities. In the integration type of social integration, migrants from ethnic minorities retain their ethnic and cultural identity at the individual level while they interact with members of host communities without much differentiation. The ethnic migrants are well-accepted by local host community members but cultural boundaries remain. The segregation type of social integration refers to the condition of ethnic migrants where they strongly guard their ethnic identity while avoiding contact with local communities and also being excluded in community and social activities. Marginalization pertains to the situation where ethnic migrants have minimal possibility or desire to maintain their ethnic identity but are also excluded from host communities. The fourth type is assimilation which occurs when ethnic migrants do not intend to maintain their ethnic identity and actively seek to interact with host communities to be accepted as a part of them.

The existing theories offers a foundation for examining how identity is shaped upon migrating to urban areas but it does not clarify how ethnic identity or migrants belonging to ethnic minority groups impact social integration in destination cities. This study will focus on how ethnic self-identity negotiates with the new realities faced by ethnic migrants and influence their social integration in destination cities.

Participants

National census statistics indicate that the Hui, Tujia, Miao, Zangzu, and Manchu are among the most widely distributed minority groups in China, meaning that they are distributed across various provinces throughout the country [18]. The researchers were able to contact participants from Miao, Tujia and Zangzu ethnic groups for this study. They all had the common background of belonging to an ethnic group, having an ethnic language, having migrated to urban area at least three years before, living in the same community in migration destination and similar age bracket. A total of 30 participants were interviewed. A small sample size is acceptable when using IPA as it is an idiographic method focused on depth [32]. Smith and colleagues [29] have stated that 4–10 participants are the best number of samples in phenomenological research but also mention that ‘no right answer exists to the question of an adequate sample size’ and it would depend on nature of the research problem and potential yield of the findings [33]. The larger sample reflects a practical decision: the study’s research questions require cross-ethnic comparison, which needs sufficient representation in each of three ethnic groups. We managed the tension between individual case depth and cross-group breadth through a two-phase approach. In Phase 1, each transcript was analyzed case-by-case using the IPA three-column worksheet (descriptive, linguistic, and conceptual comments) to develop themes specific to each participant. In Phase 2, these case-level themes were compared across the sample to construct main themes. This approach preserves individual case depth while enabling systematic cross-group comparison. We acknowledge that this design trades some case depth for cross-ethnic breadth, which is a limitation of this study. The demographic details of participants are presented in Table 3 below:

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Table 3. Demographic Characteristics of Participants by Ethnic Group (N = 30).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0353655.t003

The educational profile of the participants reflects the structural educational differences in ethnic minority regions [17]. All participants had completed no more than high school, and several participants only had primary or middle school education. This limited education directly shaped their employment paths, leading most into low-skilled, informal-sector jobs such as street vending, construction, and restaurant service. These jobs resulted in poor housing conditions in migrant areas. Limited education also constrains their ability to learn Mandarin and to navigate urban administrative systems. This shows that educational background compounds the barriers to social integration beyond ethnic identity alone.

Regarding migration circumstances, most participants had migrated alone to seek employment, while some had relocated with spouses and family members. Most participants maintained regular contact with relatives and friends in their home communities through mobile phone and internet connectivity. Many reported that fellow villagers or relatives had also migrated to Wuhan, forming ethnic networks in the destination city. The geographical distances between participant’s home areas and Wuhan were substantial: Hunan province is approximately 350–500 km from Hubei, while Guizhou and Guangxi are roughly 800–1000 kilometers away, and the Xizang (Tibetan) Autonomous Region is over 2000 kilometers from Wuhan [34]. These distances reinforced the ‘earn and return’ orientation among participants, as permanent settlement would mean severing ties with home communities.

Some interviews were conducted at the community service center between researcher and the participant while others were conducted at participant’s choice of place which was usually in their homes. The interviews lasted between 55–90 minutes. Most participants were interviewed once to thrice which gave researchers an opportunity to delve deeper into participant’s experiences and meaning making process. The interviews were conducted in Mandarin Chinese to maintain the uniformity across language. All the participants had their ethnic language and had varying levels of Mandarin Chinese which was deemed sufficient for the purpose of this interview.

Ethnic self- categorization

Ethnic self-categorization in this study refers to migrant youth’s act of referring oneself as ‘Zangzu’, ‘Tujiazu’ (Tujia Ethnic group) or ‘Miaozu’ (Miao ethnic group). Although it may appear to be a simple act of labelling oneself, ethnic self-categorization functions as a cognitive anchor that shapes how ethnic migrant youths interpret, navigate, and ultimately integrate into destination-city communities. The migrant youths from all three ethnic groups had similar opinion about ethnic self-categorization. Defensive self-labelling as dignity preservation was noticed across migrants of all ethnic groups which also served as a coping mechanism.

‘No matter where I go in the country, the first and foremost it is important for me to be who I am. I belong to Zangzu ethnic group. When I interact with other people, I interact as a Zang Zu person. I wear this ethnic identity proudly. I know people in cities might think of me differently if they knew I come from Xizang (Tibet) but I still want them to know when they interact with me.’ P1, Male, Zangzu Ethnic Group.

This account exemplifies defensive self-labelling as dignity preservation. The participant does not merely report his ethnicity; he announces it pre-emptively (‘it is important for me that they know me as a person belonging to Zang Zu ethnic group’) before any interaction has occurred. The clothing metaphor ‘I wear this ethnic identity proudly’ frames identity as something deliberately displayed rather than passively held, while the contrastive construction ‘people in cities might think of me differently… but I still want them to know’ signals that assertion occurs in full awareness of anticipated stigma. Self-categorization here operates as anticipatory coping: by claiming the category before others can impose it, the participant retains authorship of its meaning. This pattern of pre-emptive, dignity-preserving self-labelling recurred across participants from all three ethnic groups.

A secure ethnic self-categorization develops confidence when interacting with others in the explorative environment of a destination city. It facilitates ethnic migrant youth’s ‘approach rather than avoidance’ behavior in the destination communities. The stereotype awareness supports reactive identity assertion.

‘There are many stereotypes and biases against us in cities because we come from rural areas and belong to a different ethnic group. Some think our hometowns are so rural and we are so poor because we are lazy or we don’t work hard enough. We are poor in our hometowns because we do not have economic opportunities like in cities and not because we are not willing to work hard. Being a person of Tujia is almost synonymous to being poor. But it does not affect who I am.’ P11, Male, Miao Ethnic Group.

In the post migration context, urban exposure allowed reflexive ethnic consciousness in many participants. The exposure to mainstream society and communities of urban areas gave ethnic migrant youths a broader perspective on how they are viewed outside of their hometowns. It gave them an opportunity to analyze their position in their destination cities and host communities.

‘I was 17 when I left my hometown for the first time and came to a city. I did not know much about outside world because back in my hometown we all speak the same language, eat same food, do same kind of work for living. So I was surprised to learn that I was perceived as an outsider not only meaning that I came from another place but that I am ‘different person’ meaning I come from a different ethnicity. I did not know that for city people it is such a big deal. I thought we all belonged to our country and were same. At first it made me feel a bit shameful but later I asked myself why should I feel shame just because I do not fit among city people. I can’t change where I was born.’ P10, Male, Zangzu Ethnic Group.

This excerpt captures the reflexive ethnic consciousness produced by urban exposure. The narrative moves through three stages: unawareness (‘I thought we all belonged to our country and were same’), imposed categorization (being perceived as a ‘different person’), and reflexive reappraisal, marked by the rhetorical question ‘why should I feel shame just because I do not fit among city people’. The shift from feeling ‘a bit shameful’ to the declarative ‘I can’t change where I was born’ reveals the participant converting an externally imposed, stigmatized category into an accepted fact of self. Analytically, the excerpt demonstrates that ethnic self-categorization is not imported unchanged from the place of origin; it is constituted in the city, where the Han-majority context forces category salience. This trajectory from imposed difference to reflexive acceptance was characteristic of participants who migrated in late adolescence.

The participants often mentioned that in their hometown there was no need to categorize themselves as ‘ethnic’ because everyone shared the same language and practices but migrating to city forced the level ‘different ethnicity’ or ‘outsider’ into their consciousness. This situation forced them to negotiate their existing ethnic self-identity with new reality of being a migrant, being an outsider in a city and belonging to a non-local ethnic group. It is evident in the data that these factors influenced their decision on whether or not to communicate with local community or put effort into interacting with members of host communities to decrease the social distance between them.

Ethnic vs local language proficiency

Ethnic language was one of the most distinct components of ethnic identity that set the ethnic young migrants apart from others in the destination cities might it be other migrants or locals. Young migrants from all ethnic groups experienced constant friction between upholding one’s ethnic language as opposed to gaining proficiency in local language which is Mandarin Chinese. Mandarin Chinese is the administrative Lingua Franca in China. Having good proficiency in Mandarin Chinese or local dialects brings the benefit of not just better job opportunities, school placements in public schools, any administrative work in government offices etc, it also increases trust from the local residents which facilitates the social integration process.

‘When I was looking for work in cities, my elders who have longer experience of working there told me that I should try to speak Mandarin and try to learn more because it makes it easier to find work. The boss for whom I worked for the first time said I am a hard worker because I have learned Mandarin well. It felt strange because before that I never assumed that speaking a different language could be associated with how hard a person works. As much as I want to improve in speaking Mandarin sometimes I do not want to talk to new people.’ P6, Male, Tujia Ethnic Group.

The excerpt reveals how Mandarin proficiency is moralized in the urban labor market: the employer reads language acquisition as evidence of diligence (‘I am a hard worker because I have learned Mandarin well’). The participant’s marker of dissonance, ‘It felt strange’, registers his recognition that a linguistic attribute is being treated as a character judgement. Most analytically significant is the closing contrastive: ‘As much as I want to improve in speaking Mandarin sometimes I do not want to talk to new people.’ In a single sentence the participant articulates the approach–avoidance conflict at the heart of the protective-boundary mechanism: the instrumental pull toward the host language coexists with withdrawal from the very interactions through which proficiency would develop. This tension between linguistic investment and interactional retreat appeared across all three ethnic groups.

The influence of ethnic identity on securing employment emerged as an important finding in the data. Participants reported that ethnic identity shaped their employment opportunities in several ways. First, Mandarin proficiency directly affected hiring prospects and workplace evaluations. P6 recounted how his boss associated his Mandarin learning with work ethic: The boss for whom I worked for the first time said I am a hard worker because I have learned Mandarin well. Second, ethnic discrimination in hiring was reported by several participants. P11 stated: As an ethnic minority person, I have faced discrimination getting jobs, the bosses think it is hard to communicate with us because of our accent and don’t want to take the trouble. The lack of proficiency desired in the urban areas also acted as a source of discrimination against the ethnic migrant youths. The influence of the ethnic language or dialect when speaking Mandarin Chinese would give away ethnic migrant’s identity as not belonging to mainstream urban community or society.

‘People in cities mock how we speak Mandarin Chinese. They have absolutely no understanding that it is not our mother tongue and we did not grow up speaking that language in our day to day life. I speak as less as possible to local people or actually with anyone who doesn’t understand my ethnic language.’ P5, Female, Miao Ethnic Group.

This account traces the pathway from linguistic mockery to social withdrawal. The participant first establishes effort and legitimacy (‘We put effort into learning Mandarin as much as we could’) before describing her response: ‘I speak as less as possible to local people or actually with anyone who doesn’t understand my ethnic language.’ The escalation from ‘local people’ to ‘anyone’ marks a generalization of avoidance beyond the original source of mockery, converting a specific injury into a standing interactional strategy. The excerpt provides direct experiential evidence for the reverse pathway proposed in the Discussion: anticipated ridicule motivates identity-protective withdrawal, which reduces contact opportunities and forecloses the very conditions under which prejudice might otherwise be reduced.

However, ethnic language use is directly related to ethnic self-categorization and ethnic language use was found to act as buffer against discrimination stress. Most of the participants liked to keep a close contact with members of their own ethnic groups who had also migrated from their place of origin. Many participants expressed that they feel a strong sense of belonging which provides them comfort when being together with people from their own ethnic group in their destination cities. Intra-ethnic social networking is an important way for participants to maintain ethnic identity and cope with urban stress. Participants described several ways they maintained contact with same-ethnic members in the destination city. Most commonly, they used WeChat groups organized by home village or ethnic affiliation to share information about employment and housing, participants described getting together with fellow villagers and townsmen during holidays. These networks are informal and organic rather than formal associations.

‘I always get comments about the way I speak Mandarin. Some people make me feel inferior about it. I started admiring my ethnic mother tongue after I migrated to city and realized how precious it is that I can speak it. Sometimes during holidays, we get together with my fellow villagers and townsmen and speak our own language without anyone judging us. I feel kind of freedom in those times. It is probably the freedom of not being constantly judged for speaking differently or for being an outsider.’ P4, Male, Zang Zu Ethnic Group.

Language functions as a strong component of ethnic self-identity. Most participants in this study favor retaining their ethnic language as the expense of better opportunities that Mandarin proficiency might bring. The language proficiency functions as a tool of integration and source of conflicting emotions for ethnic migrant youth in cities.

Ethnic and cultural practices

As the ethnic migrants moved away from their hometowns, the distance from their ethnically and culturally rich environments increased but they also received exposure to mainstream cultures of the urban area. They faced difficulty in maintaining day to day cultural practices of their ethnicity in an urban area but continuing the feasible ones maintained their sense of connection to their ethnicity and hometown. This had a significant impact on their sense of belonging both to their place of origin and destination cities.

‘Our daily routine is determined by our work which is pretty much the same every day. Back home we have festivals to celebrate important occasions. We even celebrated festival to taste new rice. But here we don’t even know when those festivals come and pass. I don’t think I want to stay all my life not enjoying our local festivals. They really rejuvenated us from daily life stress.’ P3, Male, Tujia Ethnic Group.

Most of the participants expressed dissatisfaction at not being valued for their ethnic heritage in the cities. The mainstream society’s disregard for ethnic minority groups and their ethnic heritage was difficult to accept for most of the participants who came from ethnic enclaves where ethnic and cultural practices formed a core part of daily life.

‘Without our ethnic cultural practices in our daily life, I feel very invisible in the city. It is as if no one sees me or have any regard for who I am. Back in my hometown we regularly visited monasteries to light an incense or pray. It gave me a sense of peace during difficult times. So I sometimes feel out of place living in the city.’ P9, Female, Zangzu Ethnic Group.

The metaphor of invisibility (‘I feel very invisible in the city. It is as if no one sees me’) connects the absence of cultural practice space to a felt loss of personhood. For this participant, religious practice was not a discrete activity but an emotional-regulation resource (‘It gave me a sense of peace during difficult times’), whose disruption produces ‘placelessness’ (‘I sometimes feel out of place living in the city’). The excerpt reveals that cultural practice discontinuity undermines belonging through two channels simultaneously: the loss of a coping resource and the loss of recognition, in which the city’s indifference to ethnic heritage is experienced as indifference to the self. Among Zangzu participants in particular, religious practice emerged as the most acutely missed dimension of cultural continuity.

For some participants, ethnic art and practices formed an integral part of their life which was discontinued as they migrated to cities. It was not just a missing part of their normal life from the place of their origin but also a disruption from a familiar way of life. This further enhanced their feeling of being disconnected from the surrounding they were in the cities.

‘Back home our lifestyle is filled with art and crafts. Tujia people weave and embroider a lot. All our dresses and many things we use in our daily lives are colorful and vibrant. My grandmother and mother taught me how to create art. Although cities are filled with colors, I do not feel connected to those colors and art here. Sometimes when we meet in the park, we try to dance. I am scared of forgetting the steps. When I miss all of that about my village I feel so out of place here in the city.’ P17, Female, Tujia Ethnic Group.

This excerpt illustrates embodied cultural transmission and its anticipated rupture. Craft and dance are described as inherited through the female line (‘My grandmother and mother taught me how to create art’), making practice continuity inseparable from family identity. The participant’s fear, ‘I am scared of forgetting the steps’, expresses anticipated identity loss in bodily terms: what is at risk is not knowledge about the culture but the capacity to perform it. The contrast between the city’s abundant but alien colors (‘cities are filled with colors, I do not feel connected to those colors’) and the meaningful colours of Tujia craft renders cultural distance in sensory language, showing that disconnection is experienced aesthetically as well as socially. Informal re-enactments, such as dancing with co-ethnic friends in parks, function as partial repair work for this rupture.

The cultural distance between place of origin and destination city emerged as one of the determining factors of social integration. The lack of opportunity and space for cultural practices in city had negative impact on migrant’s sense of belonging to the cities. It further drew them closer to their own townsmen than members of local host communities. Participants did not report having formal ethnic associations or organizations. Instead, they relied on natural connections based on shared origin, family ties and word-of-mouth referrals. These networks provide emotional support and practical help but also reinforce ethnic boundaries that limit integration with host communities.

Perceived ethnicity based discrimination

Ethnicity based discrimination was a common experience across all the participants from all ethnic groups. Ethnic migrants face twice more discrimination as they are first regarded as ‘outsiders’ implying that they do not have household registration in the city and secondly ‘outsiders’ in the sense that they do not belong to the majority ethnic population of the city which is most often Han ethnic group. The participants report experiencing discrimination for belonging to an ethnic minority group as Han mainstream society perceive them as outgroup.

‘As an ethnic minority person, I have faced discrimination in getting jobs. The bosses think of us as being lazy. If we were lazy would we leave our hometowns and come so far to the cities to find work? People here do not realize that we have made twice as much effort. It really makes me feel angry’ P14, Male, Miao Ethnic Group.

The excerpt presents the ‘lazy’ stereotype and its experiential refutation. The participant’s rhetorical question, ‘If we were lazy would we leave our hometowns and come so far to the cities to find work?’, inverts the stereotype by citing migration itself as evidence of industriousness, while ‘twice as much effort’ quantifies the double burden carried by ethnic migrants, who must overcome both outsider status and ethnic prejudice. The closing statement of anger (‘It really makes me feel angry with city people’) is analytically important: unlike the shame described elsewhere in the data, anger is an other-directed emotion that preserves self-worth while widening social distance. The excerpt thus reveals, within a single account, how perceived discrimination simultaneously protects dignity and reinforces the boundary that complicates integration.

Participants reported facing both covert and overt forms of discriminations. Some forms of discrimination were not intended but is so embedded in the mindsets of the mainstream society that it is not realized as a form of bias or discrimination. Such acts of discrimination further encourage the migrants to maintain a distance with members of the host communities.

‘I look visibly different as an ethnic minority person. So, in busses and metro a lot of people do not like to sit beside me. It feels somehow hurtful when I sit in the available seat in bus or metro but the person next to me will move to another seat or just stand after I sit beside him or her. It feels like discrimination based on how I look. It feels strange because this person does not even know who I am but somehow feels uncomfortable or scared to sit beside me.’ P22, Female, Zangzu ethnic Group.

This account exemplifies covert, visibility-based discrimination. The participant is excluded not through words but through movement (‘the person next to me will move to another seat or just stand’), and her observation that ‘this person does not even know who I am’ identifies the depersonalizing core of the experience: she is responded to as a category, not as a person. The hedged formulation ‘It feels like discrimination based on how I look’ reveals the interpretative labour demanded by covert exclusion, in which the target must infer intent from behaviour that is never made explicit. Such micro-level exclusions in anonymous public space were reported across the sample and were described as more corrosive to belonging than overt insults, precisely because they admit no possibility of response or correction.

One of the themes that emerged recurrently in the data was how lack of information or misinformation about ethnic minority groups helps in formation of prejudice or acts of discrimination against minority groups. The participants expressed dissatisfaction towards how majority of the population do not have enough knowledge about lifestyles of ethnic minority groups but form judgements based on limited knowledge or outdated information that is not applicable anymore.

‘By now it is normal for me to be judged by people in cities as being poor because I belong to ethnic minority. What astonishes me is that they think we are all dirty and lack hygiene in daily life. Maybe that was the condition in our villages fifty or hundred years before but things have changed. I find it strange how deeply such misconceptions exist in people of the cities who think of themselves as superior to everyone else.’ P16, Female, Tujia Ethnic Group.

Perceived ethnicity based discrimination has by far emerged as the strongest psychological barrier to social integration among ethnic migrant youths in this study. Ethnic migrant youths who reported being exposed to ethnic-accent mockery or ‘uncivilized’ stereotypes expressed low desire to make efforts to interact with members of local communities. Perceived ethnicity based discrimination was also mentioned as one of the primary reasons why ethnic migrant youth choose to return to their hometowns ultimately. These factors related to perceived ethnicity based discrimination severely undermine ethnic migrant youth’s social integration process in destinations cities.

Bicultural-identity integration

Bi-cultural identity integration refers to the degree to which a person experiences their ethnic and mainstream cultural identities as compatible or conflicting. Although ethnic migrants had more of conflicting experience regarding their ethnic identity and identity they developed in destination cities as migrants, they still felt affinity towards the destination city. To some degree this contributes to the process of social integration.

‘I have decided that I will ultimately go back to my hometown but I also respect this city for providing me with an opportunity to earn and afford a better living standard for my family. Although I don’t call it my home or even second home, I have started feeling comfortable being here. I will probably always be a migrant to this city but even when I leave from here I might want to come back every now and then to feel that I once belonged to this city.’ P24, Female, Miao Ethnic Group.

This account expresses attachment without membership. The participant disclaims the strongest forms of belonging (‘I don’t call it my home or even second home’) while reporting growing comfort and an imagined future return ‘to feel that I once belonged to this city’. The paradoxical formulation ‘I will probably always be a migrant to this city but… I might want to come back’ presents bicultural integration as a partial, retrospective, and affective bond rather than a settlement decision. The gratitude expressed toward the city (‘I also respect this city for providing me with an opportunity’) indicates that, even within an earn-and-return orientation, the urban experience is incorporated into the self-narrative. This supports our argument that acculturation positions are fluid and situationally contingent rather than fixed categorical outcomes.

Bicultural identity integration also acts as a coping mechanism for migrants against the discrimination they faced. Although they are perceived as ‘outsiders’ ethnic migrants gradually accept the formation of their new identity which often is a blend of their existing identity as belonging to an ethnic group from the place of their origin and belonging to the city of their choice at least temporarily.

‘I do not belong to this city. But now that I live here I feel like I am also a part of this place. I do not have local friends or relatives here but I feel like I am somehow related to people here. Once I brought my family member to city for treatment during a major festival holiday and most restaurants were closed. The family of the person next to my wife’s bed gave us food daily for many days. The person said we are locals here, we have a home and we can manage food during holidays It felt like I suddenly found a relative in this city. For the first time I met someone who did not see me as an outsider.’ P22, Male, Tujia Ethnic Group

Some of the participants reported that they often questioned themselves about why they cannot exist as both an ethnic migrant and a resident of the city. Household registration played an important role in bicultural identity of the migrants. The fact that they do not possess a local household registration in the city and considering the high housing prices most of the participants might never be able to have a household registration of their destination city which exacerbated their confusion about being a part of the city. However, it did not prevent them from having some degree of belongingness to the city.

‘I have lived and worked in this city for a few years now. I sometimes feel like I belong here because I have lived here more than I lived in my own home since past few years. But then I am reminded that I cannot afford to buy a house here and might never be able to change my hukou (household registration) from my hometown to here. So, the reality is that I am an ethnic person from far away village but maybe I could also be a part of this city albeit not for a lifetime.’ P26, Male, Zangzu Ethnic Group

The excerpt articulates institutionally bounded belonging. The participant’s felt attachment (‘I sometimes feel like I belong here because I have lived here more than I lived in my own home’) collides with a structural ceiling (‘I cannot afford to buy a house here and might never be able to change my hukou’), producing the carefully qualified conclusion ‘maybe I could also be a part of this city albeit not for a lifetime’. The qualifier ‘albeit not for a lifetime’ compresses the central finding of this theme: bicultural belonging develops experientially but is rationed institutionally. Identity negotiation here does not fail psychologically; it is truncated by the registration system, which converts emergent belonging into a temporary license rather than a settled status.

Bicultural identity was one of the few positive themes supporting social integration of the ethnic migrant youths which emerged from the data of the present study. Although ethnic migrant youths faced a number of challenges and negative experiences in destination cities, they developed some degree of sense of belonging over time as they adapted.

The data show that social integration is not an immediate outcome of migration but a gradual process that takes time. Participants who had lived in the city for shorter periods (3–4 years) reported stronger feelings of alienation and more frequent experiences of discrimination. Those with longer residence (5–7 years) showed greater bicultural identity integration and comfort in urban environments. For instance, P24, who had lived in the city for four years expressed growing comfort: I have started feeling comfortable being here. I think I can definitely choose to live and work here for a few more years. This shows that while ethnic identity retention remains strong across all timeframes, the comfort and integration in the urban environment increases with time.

Gendered differences in ethnic identity and integration

The data reveal gendered differences in how ethnic identity intersected with social integration experiences. Female participants reported more emotionally intense responses to host-community treatment. The female participants from all three ethnic groups mentioned feeling that their ethnic identity was objectified.

When I moved to the city the only job I got was to dress in ethnic attire and jewelry and greet customers. The women from my ethnic group wear elaborate silver headpieces and jewelry. Customers would touch me without asking. They were probably admiring me but I felt like I became a showpiece or an exhibit. P29, Female, Tujia Ethnic Group

For the women from ethnic groups their ethnic identity often became a commodified and objectified element of urban labor market. Women also reported that their prospects of employment depended on their look and appearance which meant women experience their identity as hyper-visible and externally defined. In such a context, proximity to members of their own ethnicity provided support.

I feel kind of freedom when I am with my villagers. It is probably the freedom of not being constantly judged. P5, Female, Miao ethnic group

Some female participants described uncomfortable encounters in public spaces that were based on their appearance.

It feels somehow hurtful when I sit in the bus or metro but the person next to me will move to another seat. P22, Female, Zangzu ethnic group

Male participants, however, emphasized self-categorization, confidence, employment navigation and bicultural belonging without the same emotional intensity. Ethnic identity for men operate through network-based solidarity such as labor recruitment through co-ethnic ties, shared housing and informal economic circuits. Their identity is less publicly performed but still structurally consequential. This suggests that ethnic identity functions differently for female and male migrant youths in their social integration process.

Limitations

This study has several limitations. Because this study is qualitative, the generalizability of its results may be limited; nevertheless, it offers valuable insights into how components of ethnic self-identity shape social integration in destination cities. Although the researcher tried to be as inclusive as possible regarding participation of various ethnic groups in this study but owing to various limitations, it was only possible to contact participants from Miao, Tujia and Zangzu ethnic groups. The sample was limited to three ethnic groups in one city (Wuhan), which limits generalizability to other ethnic groups and cities. Different ethnic groups might have different backgrounds and experience of belonging to particular ethnic group but when they migrate to a particular city, they are consolidated in the same bracket of being ethnic migrants or waidi ren (outsiders). Furthermore, the study focused on social integration of ethnic migrant youths. In line with the demographic conventions, the term ‘youth migrant’ in this study refers to individuals aged 15 to 29 years. All participants who were interviewed were 18 years of age or older (range 18-26 years; See Table 3). The experience of ethnic migrants who belong to a different or more advanced age group might not be represented by this study. Moreover, the participants in this study had all migrated in past 5 years. The results of this study might not reflect the realities of the ethnic migrants who migrated to urban areas for a longer period. All participants had no more than high school education, which shaped their employment trajectories and housing conditions. This educational profile reflects structural educational differences in ethnic minority regions but also means findings may not apply to ethnic migrant youths with higher education. The study did not include host-community perspectives, so claims about host-community attitudes reflect participants’ subjective perceptions rather than objective measurement. The cross-ethnic comparison required a larger sample than typical IPA studies, which trades some case depth for breadth. Future research should include more ethnic groups, different cities, host-community interviews, and participants with varied educational backgrounds. However, this study provides a valuable perspective on how ethnic identity impacts or drives social integration for ethnic migrant youths. These limitations do not invalidate the insights gained from the study but delineate the boundaries within which the findings should be read and highlight the importance of mixed-methods and longitudinal designs as necessary steps in future research.

Implications

It is unlikely that the migration trend of ethnic youth would see any decline in foreseeable future as they venture out of their ethnic enclaves in search of better economic opportunities seeking to uplift their lifestyle. Hence, it is imperative for cities and urban areas to accommodate the needs of ethnic migrant youths which would help them make an easier transition and subsequently integration.

Implications for policy and local government: The findings generate four policy implications, each grounded in participants’ accounts. (1) Bilingual capacity, not Mandarin assimilation: Because participants experienced ethnic language as both a necessary tool for integration (Mandarin for employment) and a protective resource (ethnic language for group solidarity), language policy should support bilingual capacity rather than prioritizing Mandarin assimilation. (2) Structural discrimination intervention: Because discrimination was experienced in everyday practices (public transport seating, workplace stereotypes), awareness campaigns alone are insufficient, structural interventions addressing spatial segregation and workplace discrimination are needed. (3) Temporary migration realities: Because participants planned to return to hometowns, integration policy should address temporary and circular migration rather than assuming permanent settlement. (4) Cultural practice continuity: Because ethnic cultural practices were disrupted by urban context absence, policy should support culturally specific spaces and events that enable genuine practice continuity, not merely symbolic celebration.

Municipal councils and local government should create institutional conditions that facilitate integration. This includes accelerating Hukou reform to reduce registration-based barriers that restrict ethnic migrant’s access to public services, healthcare, education for children, and housing subsidies [5]. Local governments should implement anti-discrimination policies in employment and housing. They could also establish migrant resource centers that provide legal aid, employment consultation and language classes where required.

Implication for host communities: Host communities benefit from understanding ethnic migrant’s experiences and reducing prejudice. Community awareness programs and intercultural exchange events can foster mutual understanding and reduce discrimination. Food festivals, cultural exhibitions and community cultural performance programs can be some practical ways of addressing the gap between members of ethnic migrant and host communities.

Implications for social workers and minority advocates: Social workers and minority group advocates can use these findings to design support programs that address ethnic migrant’s specific needs. This includes mental health support for those affected by discrimination and cultural preservation programs. The social workers could refer to Chinese Government’s Healthy China 2030 strategy and the National Social Psychological Service System Construction Policy which extends psychological support provisions to migrants in urban areas [45].

Implications for academia: Future research should examine host-community perspectives, include more ethnic groups, and explore the long-term integration outcomes of ethnic migrant youths in different urban contexts.