https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5024-1764
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Abstract
Informal food vendors in the Global South face challenges in managing food safety, necessitating strategies that address consumer concerns and market sustainability. This paper examines how informal vendors in Dhaka, Bangladesh, cope with these challenges. Framing food vending as a social practice, the study emphasises that food safety is a shared responsibility. Based on research involving 26 vendors, we explore their coping strategies for sourcing, processing, storage, and selling food. Through qualitative analysis, we identify three distinct vendor types—cooked food, wet market, and dry market vendors—each of them employing specific approaches to food safety management. This classification enables a closer exploration of diverse food safety management strategies. Our findings highlight how vendors’ material resources, skills, and daily social interactions with consumers shape their strategies, including information sharing, resource management, trust-building, and innovation. Given the disparities in resource access and skills, we advocate for a multi-faceted approach to food safety that aligns with vendors’ local practices.
Citation: Haque ML, Oosterveer P, Vignola R (2026) Food safety in urban informal market food environment: A social practice perspective on coping strategies of vendors in Dhaka, Bangladesh. PLoS One 21(3): e0345227. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0345227
Editor: Charles Odilichukwu R. Okpala, University of Georgia, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Received: December 24, 2024; Accepted: March 3, 2026; Published: March 27, 2026
Copyright: © 2026 Haque et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: All relevant data are within the paper and its Supporting Information files.
Funding: The research was funded by the Consultative Group on International Agriculture Research (CGIAR) as part of the Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH) project under the interdisciplinary project: Food Systems for Healthier Diets (FSHD).
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Introduction
Food safety—the process of handling, cooking, and preserving food to prevent illness—is critically important also in the informal market, especially because informal food vending serves as a vital source of nutrition for low-income households in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) [1–3]. With rapid urbanisation in the LMICs, informal food vending is expected to play an increasingly significant role due to its cultural relevance, affordability, and livelihood support [4,5]. However, foods from informal food vendors (IFVs) are often perceived as less safe, primarily due to poor practices in sourcing, processing, and selling, which can increase health risks for consumers [6–9]. The World Bank estimates that foodborne illnesses result in annual productivity losses of up to US$95 billion in LMICs [10], further damaging vendors’ reputations, profits, and consumer-vendor relationships [11]. Consequently, IFVs must develop effective food safety management strategies to address consumer concerns [12].
Research on food market environments has predominantly adopted an individualistic approach, focusing on consumer access to vendor locations and personal convenience while neglecting social interactions between consumers and vendors. IFVs are considered integral components of traditional markets, which include small-scale, unregulated venues such as street vendors, farmers’ markets, and bazaars [13–16]. Downs et al. [17] describe these environments as built settings where various vendors operate. However, documenting and implementing policies for IFVs is challenging; Turner et al. [18] stress the need to understand both personal and external domains to effectively address consumer food safety concerns in the context of the food environment. Food availability, cost, suppliers, and regulations are examples of external food dimensions; on the other hand, accessibility, affordability, convenience, and desire are examples of personal dimensions. Consumers’ concerns about food safety are influenced by their relationships with vendors and the social environment in which they buy food [19]. Positive experiences can boost confidence in food safety, but hazardous selling practices or adulteration can breed mistrust.
Existing literature has pointed out that improper vendor practices, poor sanitation, and inconsistent implementation of food safety regulations are some of the issues that threaten food safety in urban areas. These issues necessitate improved risk management strategies and increased consumer awareness [20–22]. Issues include reliance on sensory assessment of food quality, elevated fears of chemical contamination, and elevated risks of contamination linked to intricate, long-distance supply networks [23]. Despite being essential for food safety, informal food markets frequently lack proper refrigeration and sanitation, which raises the risk of foodborne infections [12,24]. Furthermore, the need for enhanced risk management, better storage facilities, and focused interventions to encourage safer food handling practices is highlighted by the uneven enforcement of food safety laws and the lack of resources available to vendors [21,22]. Despite being essential for food access, these informal markets pose serious problems that need targeted actions to increase food safety and lower the number of foodborne illnesses [21,22]. It is crucial to understand their strategies to mitigate these risks.
Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, offers a unique context for examining food safety coping strategies—measures aimed at reducing the risks of food contamination— among urban informal food vendors because of its rapid urbanisation [25–27]. With a population exceeding 24 million—nearly 40% of whom live in slum dwellings—the city faces considerable food safety challenges, including pesticide residues, bacteria, and microbial contamination in ready-to-eat foods and fresh vegetables [28–32]. These challenges are compounded by the limited affordability, low education levels, and inadequate food storage and cooking facilities prevalent among slum dwellers, underscoring the urgency of exploring effective coping strategies in this rapidly evolving urban landscape.
This study examines food safety management among IFVs by exploring their daily experiences and social interactions, specifically focusing on how they cope with consumer safety concerns. Utilising Social Practice Theory (SPT), we emphasise practices as the primary unit of analysis, addressing vendors’ routines rather than individual choices. SPT examines how social, cultural, and material elements shape daily life as the central unit of analysis. The central research question of this study is: how do Dhaka’s informal food vendors manage consumer food safety concerns in their daily operations?
Unlike previous studies, which focused primarily on knowledge, attitudes, and practices, this article identifies and categorises vendors’ coping strategies. It then presents the conceptual framework, followed by the methodology and findings from a case study of IFVs in Dhaka, before concluding with a discussion and final thoughts.
Social practice perspective on coping strategies of IFVs
This research utilises Social Practice Theory (SPT) to investigate the coping strategies employed by informal food vendors. SPT has gained traction in the literature, providing a valuable framework for analysing everyday social activities, such as food vending, by considering the interplay of social, material and cultural factors [33,34]. Informal food vending is hereby conceptualised as a composite practice consisting of interconnected sub-practices including sourcing, processing, storing, and selling food [35,36].
Fig 1 depicts our conceptual framework, which facilitates further analysis. The outer bars of the figure represent the factors affecting informal food vending, such as consumers’ concerns about food safety (e.g., contamination and freshness) and vendors’ coping strategies (e.g., handling challenges such as hygiene constraints). The triangle illustrates the interplay of activities and routines demonstrating the interconnectedness of practices— such as food sourcing, processing, storage, and selling – and how these elements collectively impact food quality and safety. We apply Shove’s [37] three-element model to gain deeper insights; it examines practices through the dimensions of meanings, materials, and competencies. Meanings refer to shared understandings and meanings that vendors attach to food safety, business continuity, regulations, and consumer concerns. Materials encompass the physical components involved, such as food items, vending spaces, equipment, and the time spent navigating Dhaka’s traffic. Competencies represent the skills and knowledge required for safe food handling, often developed through experience and cultural understanding. Since the practice comprises several interconnected elements [38], deconstructing the practice into these components and then reconstructing it as a cohesive whole is an effective approach for applying Shove et al.’s model to analyse vending practices.
Furthermore, this study integrates the concept of the “nexus of sayings and doings” from Nicolini [39], which emphasises the significance of interactions and relationships with consumers and institutions. This perspective highlights how social dynamics contribute to safe food management practices within Dhaka’s complex food system. By examining these interconnected elements, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of informal food vending practices and the coping strategies adopted by vendors in Dhaka.
Methods
Primary data were collected to explore the perceptions and responses of IFVs to consumer food safety concerns within the urban slums of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Dhaka serves as a case study for examining the dynamics of IFVs’ daily practices in densely populated urban areas.
Dhaka, a case in point
The rapidly urbanising environment of Bangladesh exerts pressure on housing for the poor, affecting both slum construction and the supply of safe food [40]. Consequently, many IFVs have emerged in the slum areas of Dhaka, many of them may not adhere to legal requirements and serve food safely [41]. As a result, food safety standards have been compromised.
This case study examines the challenges faced by vendors in Dhaka as they respond to consumers’ food safety concerns, which include pesticide residues, Salmonella resistance, antibiotic-resistant bacteria, microbial quality in ready-to-eat food, and health risks associated with other contaminants [42–46]. Dhaka, now a commercial and industrial hub, has experienced a substantial influx of rural migrants due to climate change and social unrest. With a population exceeding 24 million—nearly 40% of whom reside in slum dwellings—this megacity houses a significant urban poor population, including many street vendors [47,48]. The focal point of this study, the Korail slum, situated within the Dhaka North City Corporation, features three wet markets surrounded by shops selling dry food items. Despite being the largest slum in the city, Korail faces challenges with IFVs that hinder institutionalisation and regulatory enforcement efforts. The lack of formal regulations, such as shop registrations and food business licenses, presents significant obstacles, perpetuating the uncontrolled operations of IFVs. Despite government and non-government efforts to address food contamination and improve slum infrastructure, managing food safety in everyday vending practices remains largely unregulated and underrecognized. This underscores the disconnect between IFVs and the city’s urban food governance frameworks. This study also reflects metropolitan scenarios prevalent in the LMICs, with Dhaka epitomizing rapid urbanisation, evolving food systems, and widespread food safety challenges.
Semi-structured interviews
Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Bengali (the mother tongue of the first author) from 23rd August to 1st September 2020, primarily over the phone and administered by the first author, a resident of Dhaka. With informed verbal consent (audiotaped) from the respondents, the interviews lasted approximately 30 minutes. Only one vendor expressed hesitation after 12 minutes, citing discomfort with the topic. Notably, during data collection, food shopping among Dhaka’s poor had nearly normalised despite the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The project protocol received ethical approval from the International Diarrhoea Research Institute, Bangladesh (icddr,b) (Ethics number # PR-19129).
The semi-structured interviews aimed to capture the complexities of the food environment, encompassing socioeconomic, situational, and personal factors pertinent to IFVs’ understanding of food safety arising from daily business operations. The guiding question, “How do you (i.e., vendor) manage consumer food safety concerns?” was central to the interview protocol, which was developed based on selected literature [49,50]. The protocol included inquiries grouped into three primary areas: 1) everyday business operations of IFVs, 2) IFVs’ understanding of consumer concerns while shopping, and 3) strategies employed by IFVs to address consumer concerns regarding food safety within operational procedures. Relevant questions were included because data collection took place after the COVID-19 lockdown; however, the final analysis did not include this element because the results showed no discernible changes in procedures. Furthermore, raising food safety issues during the scoping visit deterred vendors from discussing stocking and wholesaling procedures. The interview schedule was therefore rearranged to address other subjects before going over food safety issues, thereby reducing reluctance.
Respondents
Twenty-six SSIs were conducted with IFVs representing a diverse range of food products, including cooked food, fresh produce, and dry goods. To capture the variability in vending practices, participants were selected from various operational settings, such as temporary stalls, permanent shops, street corners, and market squares in the Korail slum, forming a purposive sample. Purposive sampling was used to ensure the interviews included vendors with diverse food types and operating settings, allowing the study to capture variation in everyday practices and identify common themes across the informal vending environment. Their insights and experiences were essential to understanding the complex dynamics of urban informal food vending practices. Data saturation was reached when no new themes or insights emerged, leading to the cessation of recruitment [51]. The absence of food business licenses confirmed the informality of vendors. IFVs were recruited with the assistance of the local community leader in Korail.
The recruitment of these respondents was guided by several considerations. First, it prioritised the participation of locally accessible IFVs to foster trust and minimise socially desirable responses regarding food safety. This approach enabled in-depth exploration of the unique challenges and dynamics within informal food vending, enriching existing literature, and paving the way for further research.
Researchers’ description
To ensure accurate data collection, interviews were held in Bengali, the native language of the participants. A research assistant and the first author, both fluent in Bengali and English, transcribed the interviews and verified the accuracy. The first author translated the transcripts into English for further analysis with the co-authors. This rigorous process ensured the accuracy of the data obtained and the integrity of the findings.
Coding, categorisation, and analysis
A two-step coding process was employed to extract key themes from the interviews, following a combination of inductive or deductive approaches. In the first step, the first author developed a preliminary list of codes based on predefined themes related to meaning, materials, and competencies pertinent to daily vending operations, which were deemed crucial for comprehending day-to-day vending operations. These themes encompassed factors influencing vendors’ approaches, such as operating time, locations, incentives, knowledge of regulations, and licensing requirements. There were some additional themes arising from the data as well. These themes were informed by a review of existing literature on small-scale business operations and discussions within the research team. After finalising these codes, the second step involved systematically applying them to all interviews through discussions with the other authors, using Atlas.ti 9, a qualitative data analysis software.
The analysis process also involved thematic analysis. Iterative coding identified similarities and variations in the vending practices described by the participants. Emergent themes were recognised from the coded data, arising not only from vendors’ explicit statements but also from their interactions and the connections between different pieces of information. An important aspect of the analysis was documenting the frequency of specific coping strategies employed by vendors and assessing their effectiveness in mitigating food safety hazards.
Vendors held diverse opinions regarding shopper concerns and employed various coping methods in their daily operations. The first author’s background and experiences within Dhaka’s urban environment facilitated vendor understanding and interpretation of the study’s findings.
Following vendor recruitment and initial data analysis, a categorisation system was developed to group vendors based on their primary food items. This yielded three categories: cooked food, dry food, and wet market (see Table 1). This categorisation provides a typology for comparative analysis, identifying potential challenges.
The main findings from the empirical study are presented in the following section. Regular food vending practices in Dhaka’s informal market system are first outlined, followed by an examination of vendors’ views on consumer concerns about food safety. The final analysis focuses on vendor coping strategies across three interrelated sub-practices of sourcing, processing and storage, and selling.
Results
Demographic information
Table 2 presents the vendors’ types, gender, age, education, and mobility status. The vendors in the study consisted of 19 males and 7 females, with all but two respondents being married. All respondents were residents of the Korail slum and were over 18 years old. The age range was 21–50 years, with a mean of 37.6 years (SD = 7.8). Literacy levels varied: five vendors could only sign their names, six are illiterate and the remainder had five to fourteen years of formal schooling. Older vendors were more likely to be illiterate, yet both literate and illiterate vendors operated sidewalks and permanent shops.
Informal food vending practices in Dhaka
Findings reveal that informal food vending in Dhaka is shaped by vendors’ strategic decisions about locations, timing, and informal governance structure. Vendors rely on established networks and informal permissions to operate in fixed locations, often paying fees to community leaders. One grocery vendor noted, “No, small businesses like us do not need a license” (Male, age 36), reflecting the informal nature of the sector. However, some vendors reported engaging in social exchanges instead of direct payments. A Pitha seller described, “I have been living in this area for a long time. The local leaders address me as an uncle. I am not required to pay anyone. However, there are occasions when I have to treat them” (Male, age 41).
Operating hours vary by food type. Wet market vendors, who sell perishable items like fish and vegetables, typically operate in the early morning, starting their day early, often between 2 a.m. and 5 a.m., to secure fresh produce. A vegetable seller explained, “I go there [wholesale market] between 2 and 5 a.m. If I cannot get there at that time, I will not be able to get any high-quality things to offer in my shop” (Male, age 48). Dry food vendors extend their hours into the evening to meet consumer demand. In contrast, cooked food vendors often work late into the night, demonstrating adaptability to consumer demand for snacks, the challenges of handling perishable goods, and to serve ready-to-eat meals.
Consumers’ food safety concerns
Vendors acknowledged that affordability often takes precedence over food quality in consumers’ purchase decisions. Nevertheless, different vendors hold varying perceptions of consumer concerns depending on food type offered. The type of food sold shaped vendors’ perspectives on the material aspects of food vending practices while their skills and experiences significantly influenced their understanding of consumer concerns. Wet market and dry food vendors emphasise freshness and chemical contamination, whereas cooked food vendors prioritise overall hygiene and cleanliness of the selling environment. Wet market vendors noted that consumers focus on fresh produce and potential chemical additives. While the shoppers of dry food vendors were concerned with the dry foods’ quality, packaging, and expiry dates, cooked food vendors emphasised proper food display, hygiene equipment, and proper storage practices.
Many vendors lack formal education as well as awareness of, and access to formal food safety regulations. A Pitha seller acknowledged having limited understanding of food safety laws and regulations, highlighting potential health hazards for consumers. For example, one vendor remarked, “Nobody told me about that” (Male, age 41), while another fish vendor admitted, “I do not know about the law. You know I do not know how to read and write, but if we sell good things to the consumers, it will be better” (Male, age 50). These responses suggest that while vendors recognise food safety concerns, their understanding is primarily shaped by experience rather than formal education or training.
Vendors’ coping strategies in vending practices
All vendors in this study reported employing coping strategies in three interconnected practices: sourcing, processing and storage, and selling. Table 3 presents 30 distinct coping activities grouped into eight themes: time management, trust building, resource management, information searching, interpersonal relationships, innovation, hygiene measures, and acceptance. These themes are organised into three broader categories: economic, social, and environmental. Notably, the representation of these themes varies across the three practices, as discussed below.
Coping in sourcing practices
Five key themes emerged in vendors’ sourcing strategies: time management, trust building, information searching, resource management, and acceptance.
Time management proved particularly critical for wet market vendors, who prioritize early morning sourcing from the wholesale market. This proactive strategy demonstrates commitment to preserving freshness by sourcing high-quality commodities such as fruits, vegetables, and fish to suit consumer demands. As one vegetable vendor summarized, “I go there [wholesale market] between 2 and 5 a.m. If I cannot get there at that time, I will not be able to get any high-quality things to offer in my shop” (Male, age 48).
Trust-building plays a crucial role in effective sourcing. Vendors rely on established relationships with wholesalers to negotiate market dynamics and make informed sourcing decisions. These ties enhance food quality and consumer safety. Dry food vendors trust particular brands and actively seek to enhance food quality.
Product information facilitates appropriate food selection, addressing consumers’ food safety concerns. Vendors developed expertise in product selection through years of experience. Wet market vendors, for instance, emphasize visual inspections of fresh produce, while dry food vendors diligently check expiration dates to avoid selling expired goods.
Resource optimization through logistics presents challenges in food safety management, as IFVs often lack dedicated food transportation. They adapt by using public transportation, such as rickshaw vans and buses, to move items from wholesale markets to retail locations.
Despite efforts to source safer food, the theme of acceptance reflects vendors’ acknowledgment of their limitations in identifying perceived safer food. When struggling to assess freshness, they adapt to the market realities. One vendor illustrated this sentiment: “Nothing to do…I cannot identify the fresh vegetables properly. Vegetables seem attractive under the light of the bulbs when we purchase from Kawran Bazaar at night. However, in the morning, I found these are not as colored as I saw” (Male, age 35).
Overall, these themes underscore the complex dynamics shaping safer sourcing practices among IFVs in Dhaka’s informal market, ultimately enhancing consumer access to better food options.
Coping in processing and storage practices
Five major themes emerged in vendors’ processing and storage strategies: resource utilization, innovation, relationship maintenance, hygiene measures, and acceptance. These strategies were predominantly employed by cooked food vendors.
The most recurrent theme across the data is ‘resource utilization,’ which reflects how vendors mobilise materials together with the meanings and competencies embedded in their practices. Efficient resource allocation maintains food quality. Vendors optimize their resources, for instance, by using storage facilities and keeping cooked food in glass racks and personal refrigerators. The skill of underproduction, intentionally preparing less food than consumer demand, helps manage the unstable balance between supply and demand. While many meat and fish vendors refrigerate their leftovers after a day’s sales, a vegetable vendor explained why he avoids refrigeration: “I do not refrigerate vegetables to avoid discoloration, and nobody will buy them anymore” (Male, age 35).
Vendors also incorporate innovation and relationship maintenance into their food processing and storage. Innovative techniques extend shelf life for fish and live chickens. One fish vendor claimed to keep fish fresher for longer by using oral saline, saying, “I keep fish in a drum filled with saline water. For this, I use oral saline, the kind is commonly used for people to treat diarrhea. It is not restricted by the government. Moreover, I’m not employing any chemicals, right? (Male, age 42). However, many wet market vendors were likely unaware of these techniques. Another live chicken vendor emphasized deploying a particular technique: “I do not give medicine to them, I just feed them (chicken) paracetamol. They need a warm temperature in winter and a cold in summer” (Male, age 21). Relationship maintenance involves asking family members to help for dishwashing or engaging in social interaction to use neighbors’ refrigerators.
Essential steps, such as covering prepared food, handwashing with soap, and refraining from reusing burned oils, constitute hygiene measures. Most cooked food vendors emphasized hygiene by covering food items to protect food from dust, dirt, and flies. Several vendors also declined to reuse burned oil due to consumer concerns about potential health effects. These procedures reflect the skills and capabilities that some cooked food vendors possess.
Lastly, acceptance reveals how vendors adapt to space constraints and acknowledge the limitations of not owning glass racks in processing and storage.
Coping in selling practices
Three major coping themes emerge in the context of selling practices: acceptance, resource management, and trust building.
Trust building is essential in sales techniques, which places strong emphasis on consumer loyalty through social contact. Vendors prioritize transaction transparency, service delivery, uniformity in food quality, and disseminating pertinent product information. Trust-building strategies, such as promptly replacing sold-out items, are very prevalent among dry food vendors, which helps to increase consumer confidence in them.
Resource management emphasizes the strategic optimization of resources to enhance sales practices. Providing consumer handwashing facilities by the cooked food vendors, adhering to stringent hygiene standards, and implementing food safety protocols, such as reheating food and using hand gloves, contribute to consumer confidence and satisfaction. Investments in these materials that prioritize consumer well-being reflect a commitment to quality and consumer-centricity.
Acceptance appeared in selling practices, recognizing the reality of market dynamics and consumer behavior. Practices such as discounting to stimulate sales, donating unsold food to reduce waste, and occasionally incurring a financial loss for consumer satisfaction demonstrate the acceptance of obstacles and trade-offs inherent in commerce.
Discussions and conclusions
This study examines coping strategies employed by informal food vendors (IFVs) in Dhaka to address consumers’ food safety concerns, applying Social Practice Theory (SPT) as an analytical framework. We analysed how meaning, materials, and competencies shape vendors’ practices. The findings revealed that these practices are shaped by a combination of social, economic, and environmental factors, challenging conventional food safety frameworks that emphasize individual vendor responsibility. Vendors strategically choose vending locations, adapt their operating hours based on food type, and rely on informal governance structure to sustain their businesses. Vendors integrate informal knowledge-sharing, resource optimisation, and social interactions to overcome constraints.
Applying an SPT approach provides a comprehensive lens for understanding the interconnected nature of food vending practices [52]. This approach emphasizes how meaning (vendors’ perceptions of food safety), materials (available resources), and competencies (vendor skills and knowledge) collectively shape daily vending strategies. The findings demonstrate that food safety concerns among vendors vary per vendor type: wet market vendors prioritised freshness and chemical contamination, while cooked food vendors emphasised hygiene and storage. Importantly, changing practice requires reshaping the links between these interconnected dimensions; targeted interventions addressing only one element (e.g., food safety regulations, refrigeration facilities, identifying perceived safer food, or training) are unlikely to be sustained without attention to the boarder practice ecology [37].
Contrary to assumptions that informal vendors lack food safety awareness, our study shows that IFVs employ practical and context-specific strategies in their sourcing, processing, storage, and selling procedures. They demonstrate considerable agency in responding to everyday food safety challenges under resource constraints through an informal preservation method (keeping fish in saline water), strategic business timing, site selection, or the informal approval system [53,54]. These adaptations reflect the implicit understanding of food safety risks, even in the absence of formal knowledge about regulatory standards. These strategies employed reveal important interdependence in sub-practices: decisions made during sourcing have an impact on the quality of wet market items and influence the selling practices. Understanding this interdependence can help in developing more pragmatic strategies for enhancing food safety. However, these strategies differ by vendor type such as cooked food vendors prioritise the hygiene of their outlets, whereas wet market vendors and dry food vendors emphasise the freshness and safety of the food items sold. Differences in materials, skills, and knowledge across vendors mean that strategies effective for wet market vendors may not work for dry food vendors or cooked food vendors. Vendors demonstrate resilience through resource-sharing and practical innovations. This agency and adaptability suggest that formally recognising such grassroots practices could enhance food safety standards without a top-down approach.
A critical finding concerns the central role of social dynamics on food safety measures. Although vendors lack formal food business operation permits, they maintain informal networks and often pay informal fees to local leaders for operational approval, navigating the system through social skills and informal norms. This finding on fee payments aligns with the findings of Chen et al. [55], who also observed similar informal practices among some vendors lacking formal permits. Most vendors demonstrated a limited understanding of food safety regulations and safe retailing practices, which poses risks to consumer health [56]. The reliance on community relationships underscores how IFVs function through interpersonal connections rather than formal institutional frameworks.
In line with prior research, this study finds that affordability often outweighs food safety considerations in consumer purchasing decisions [57]. Trust operates as a substitute for regulatory oversight. The role of trust in informal food markets is consistent with earlier research that emphasised interpersonal connections as an alternative to official regulatory supervision [58]. Similar to studies on informal food vending in other urban settings, informal vendors in Dhaka largely self-regulate through experience, consumer feedback, and peer influence rather than adhering to formal food safety protocols [59].
The findings of this study have significant implications for urban food governance in rapidly urbanising cities across the Global South. As population growth accelerates in the Global South and the informal food sector continues to be a vital food source for many, policymakers must acknowledge the complexities and embedded rationality of informal food systems [60]. Rather than implementing one-size-fits-all or top-down policies, an integrated regulatory approach is needed— one that encourages collaboration among local communities, government agencies, and private entities to build resilient urban food systems that prioritise food safety while respecting socio-cultural dynamics.
Our approach makes three distinct contributions. First, it provides evidence for using SPT to analyse the safe food provision of informal vending in the rapidly urbanising Global South demonstrating, food safety is a complex challenge in mixed food systems where practice elements, behavioural concerns, and social activities overlap. Second, zooming in or desegregating practice elements helps researchers and policymakers to comprehend the multiple dimensions of food safety challenges that require an integrated practice. Disconnecting from components of bad practices (whether innovative or traditional) and connecting to elements of good practices (whether new or existing elements) require more coordinated legislative and policy instruments to reconfigure practices toward a safer retail food environment. Third, examining vendors’ coping mechanisms through a practice lens can provide a better understanding of the management issues of vendors’ day-to-day living rather than a Knowledge, Attitude, and Practice (KAP) framework. This study reveals that food safety management is not only an intentional or information availability issue, but reflects vendors’ adaptive response to structural constraints and social realities.
This study’s qualitative approach, while detailed, has inherent limitations. Data collection relied on vendors’ telephone interviews rather than observations due to COVID-19 restrictions, potentially limiting the detection of nonverbal facial expressions related to these concerns. Differences in vendor innovation may stem from resource availability, information access, and personal preferences. Future research could employ mixed methods and ethnographic validation to examine the root causes of these disparities in innovative practices and their effects on vendor performance within various contexts. Additionally, a closer investigation into these innovations is warranted, particularly since this study did not analyze food samples for safety. Expanding research to include multiple cities and on-site observations could further address these limitations.
In conclusion, this study sheds light on how informal food vendors in Dhaka respond to consumers’ food safety concerns by mobilising practical knowledge, available resources, and everyday skills within the constrained urban food vending environment [61,62]. This study breaks new ground by moving beyond the traditional KAP framework. The analysis highlights how food safety strategies are shaped by broader social and cultural dynamics, not only by individual knowledge or attitudes [59,63]. Our findings reveal that vendors routinely adapt and normalise their everyday practices under resource limitations, highlighting their resilience and adaptability. There is already evidence suggesting that informal markets will persist in countries like Bangladesh [60]. Although these strategies are not applied consistently by all vendors, the study identifies entry points for strengthening daily food safety in informal food vending. The results also underscore the role of vendor-vendor social interactions in shaping food safety practices and sustaining trust in informal markets. At the same time, vendors’ dependence on informal fees, self-taught competencies, and limited familiarity with formal food safety regulations points to the need for targeted, vendor-sensitive interventions to improve food safety practices in similar city food systems in the Global South.
Acknowledgments
The authors extend their gratitude to all research participants. They also appreciate the support of the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (icddr,b) and International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Bangladesh, for helping with field data collection.
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