3.2.1. Platform selection.

This study utilizes web scraping techniques to collect data, focusing primarily on three major Chinese social media platforms: Weibo, Xiaohongshu, and Bilibili. These platforms were selected for the following reasons. First, the “sports fandom circle” demonstrates high activity levels, diverse interaction formats, and strong fan clustering effects on these platforms, providing rich and varied data sources. Second, compared to other platforms such as Douyin, Zhihu, or Tieba, these three offer greater advantages in terms of fan organization, sustained engagement, and the depth of textual content, making them more suitable for capturing fan emotional expression and behavioral practices. Third, the user demographic on these platforms is predominantly between the ages of 18 and 40, which closely aligns with the core participant group of the “sports fandom circle”, thereby ensuring representativeness. The characteristics of the three platforms are as follows:

Weibo, as one of the largest social media platforms in China, integrates text, image, and video sharing with commenting and reposting features. It is highly real-time and viral, making it a key venue for sports event discussions and fan emotional expression. Its “Super Topics” function creates a typical fan community space, where users engage in daily ranking, support activities, and emotional expression, thereby forming stable online communities. Weibo has become a crucial platform for fandom mobilization and public opinion dissemination; Xiaohongshu primarily features image-text posts and short videos, emphasizing “authentic sharing” and emotional expression. It has become an important space for sports fans to document viewing experiences, publish support content, and express identity, with particularly high usage among female fans; Bilibili is characterized by fan-created videos [e.g., compilations, voiceovers, commentaries] and real-time “danmu” [bullet screen] interactions. It serves as a typical platform for creative fan production and the construction of collective memory within the fandom.

3.2.2. Fans selection.

This study focuses on fans within the “sports fandom circle” who support three specific athletes: Fan Zhendong, Sun Yingsha, and Wang Chuqin. These athletes’ fan groups were selected as research subjects because they possess large and active fan bases in China. Their outstanding performances in major domestic and international competitions, participation in social initiatives, and carefully crafted public images have sparked widespread discussion and attention. Fan Zhendong, Sun Yingsha, and Wang Chuqin are among the top players in Chinese table tennis. Their professional achievements, personal narratives shared on social media, engagement in public welfare, and frequent interactions with fans have drawn significant emotional investment from their supporters. Studying fan accounts related to these athletes helps us better understand the emotional development and group dynamics of the “sports fandom circle” in the digital media era.

3.2.3. Accounts selection.

This study selected comments from 40 accounts within the “sports fandom circle” as the sample. The sample size was determined based on extensive preliminary searches and account screening, while fully considering the research objectives and the grounded theory’s requirements for case diversity and data saturation. The selection of accounts was based on purposeful sampling, which involves deliberately choosing cases that are representative and information-rich in relation to the research question [69].Based on the following criteria: clear idol focus—all selected accounts center on the three top athletes; prominent fandom characteristics—most accounts reflect fandom culture traits such as “support,” “voting,” and “guarding”; high activity level—selected accounts post frequently with rich content, with some Weibo accounts exceeding tens of thousands of posts; considerable fan base—follower counts range from tens of thousands to over a million, covering top-tier [e.g., official or core fans] and mid-tier accounts to reflect discourse and participation across different fan levels. Based on these criteria, 40 accounts with over 10,000 followers were ultimately selected. To further enhance the diversity of sample types, we supplemented fan accounts using keyword-based searches. Specifically, we employed advanced search functions on social media platforms to conduct combined queries, using keywords that included fan self-identifiers [e.g., “Sha fans,” “Fan stars,” “Big Head”] and fandom-specific terms [e.g., “guard” or “support”]. Based on fan tags, profile descriptions, and posting behaviors, we then assessed the accounts’ fan identities and characteristics, with particular attention to relatively marginal fan accounts that represented varying emotional stances and modes of participation—such as highly supportive, critical, or passively observant. In the end, 10 additional accounts were selected to serve as a meaningful supplement to the original sample. A full list of the accounts is provided in S1 Table.

3.2.4. Ethical statement.

This study collected only publicly accessible user content from platforms such as Weibo, Xiaohongshu, and Bilibili, without involving any private information or restricted data. The data collection process adhered to the basic requirements of each platform’s terms of service and developer policies, with controlled retrieval frequency to avoid disruption to platform operations. All data were anonymized during analysis and used solely for academic research, in full compliance with ethical standards and research integrity guidelines.

3.3.1. Open coding.

Open coding is the process of systematically analyzing raw data segment by segment to extract and label key concepts and themes, facilitating their categorization and conceptualization [71]. The process begins by identifying initial concepts from the raw data. For example, a statement such as “Pan Zhanle has made thorough preparations for the Olympics, with the goal of winning the gold medal” is abstracted into the initial concept of goal-oriented behavior. These initial concepts are then classified, and related concepts within the same category are grouped and assigned a representative name. Once the data content reaches a sufficient level of saturation, it is organized to ensure that it accurately reflects the mechanisms underlying the formation and reproduction of the “sports fandom circle”. The resulting dataset is designated as the “Example of the formation and reproduction mechanism for ‘sports fandom circle’” [see Table 1].

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Table 1. Example of the formation and reproduction mechanism for “sports fandom circle”.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0330900.t001

After organizing and deconstructing the raw data, the analysis adhered to a systematic procedure: “defining materials–identifying categories–naming categories–determining category properties–open coding–coding memos” [71]. Sentence-by-sentence coding was performed using Nvivo software. To ensure coding quality and reduce subjective bias, this study conducted three rounds of repeated comparison and cross-validation of the textual data. In each round, the researchers independently read the original materials and labeled initial concepts. After each round, the concepts were compared and revised. Ultimately, a total of 100 initial concepts were extracted and labeled using the format “b+number”, such as b1–b3: competitive awareness, victory expectation, competition anxiety and b9–b11: national emblem, national flag, national anthem. These initial concepts were further analyzed and consolidated into 37 subcategories, labeled in the format “B+number”. Subsequently, these 37 subcategories were compared and subjected to clustering analysis, resulting in the formation of 15 distinct initial categories [see Table 2].

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Table 2. Open coding analysis of “sports fandom circle” formation and reproduction.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0330900.t002

3.3.2. Axial coding.

To establish connections between different categories and develop core categories, this stage adopts the axial coding method of grounded theory. The 15 initial categories will be repeatedly compared and analyzed to identify their underlying logical relationships. Ultimately, six main categories will be constructed: characteristics of international sports events, emotional arousal, emotional expression, emotional aggregation, emotional community reproduction, and features of the digital media platforms [see Table 3].

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Table 3. Spindle coding analysis of “sports fandom circle” formation and reproduction.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0330900.t003

3.3.3. Selective coding.

Selective coding is mainly based on the main categories to clarify the core categories and their typical relationship structure, and to form a complete and systematic explanatory framework, which often utilizes methods such as classification and abstraction [72]. In this study, the researchers conducted a comparative analysis and abstraction of the 15 initial categories and 6 main categories, and, combined with a retrospective analysis of the original materials, further identified 8 key pathways of influence, providing an empirical foundation for subsequent theoretical construction.

3.3.4. Rigor.

To enhance the methodological rigor of this study, we adopted Lincoln and Guba’s [73] four criteria for evaluating qualitative research: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.

Credibility: First, a theoretical saturation test was conducted. Theoretical saturation refers to the point at which no new concepts, properties, or relationships emerge from the data [62]. An additional 886 comment entries were collected and subjected to three levels of coding, during which no new concepts or categories were identified, indicating that saturation had been reached. Second, the researcher engaged in long-term online observation of “sport fandom circle” and maintained reflective memos, which deepened contextual understanding. Third, data were drawn from multiple platforms—Weibo, Bilibili, and Xiaohongshu—allowing for contextual triangulation. Finally, several experts in the field of sports culture and communication were invited to conduct peer reviews of the coding results. No biases or inconsistencies in grounded coding were identified, further enhancing the reliability of the findings.

Transferability: This study provides a detailed account of sampling criteria, platform characteristics, and fan group profiles. In the case analysis, thick description of representative discourse is used to reconstruct the authentic context of fan emotional expression. These efforts aim to support future research in assessing the applicability of findings to other sports domains or sociocultural contexts.

Dependability: The entire process of data management, coding, and theory development was systematically documented using NVivo 11. A three-member research team—with backgrounds in communication studies, sociology, and fan culture [including one associate professor, one postdoctoral researcher, and one Ph.D. candidate, all formally trained in qualitative research]—jointly conducted the coding. The team first carried out joint preliminary coding on 10% of the sample to establish unified standards, followed by independent cross-coding, achieving an initial Cohen’s Kappa coefficient of 0.90. After the coding framework was established, the remaining 90% of the data were evenly divided, with each researcher independently coding 30%. To ensure consistency, multiple rounds of sample validation [using non-overlapping 10% subsets] were conducted in the mid and late stages of coding, yielding Cohen’s Kappa values ranging from 0.90 to 0.92, indicating high stability and inter-coder agreement. All data were coded in the original Chinese language to preserve the cultural and emotional nuances embedded in fan discourse. The initial translation of the research findings was conducted by bilingual researchers within the team, followed by independent proofreading and cross-validation by two native English speakers. For key terms used in the study, we adopted a back-translation approach to ensure the accuracy and consistency of terminology.

Confirmability: An independent memo system was maintained throughout the analysis to document researcher reflexivity, analytical reasoning, and decision-making processes. Theoretical development was supported with extensive original excerpts to minimize potential researcher bias and enhance transparency.

4.1.1. Triggering factors: Characteristics of international sports event.

Social context plays a crucial role in triggering specific emotions—a process Turner refers to as “emotional arousal,” where individuals generate subjective responses based on non-realistic perceptions or expectations in particular situations [74]. This study reveals that emotional arousal in “sports fandom circle” stems from three distinctive characteristics of international sporting events: competitive attributes, nationalist symbolism, and athlete narratives, eventually leading to emotional focus on a particular star athlete. The Paris Olympics served as a paradigmatic case of this mechanism.

Competitive attributes, as the core characteristic of international sports events, is manifested in athletes’ behavior as they pursue victory in fair competition. In this study, both internal and external factors jointly stimulate the emotional arousal of fans. Among internal factors, the expectation of victory is a major driver of fans heightened emotional engagement, especially when the athlete they support reaches a critical match point. As one fan said: “In the men’s singles quarterfinal of table tennis between Fan Zhendong and the Japanese player Tomokazu Harimoto, I really didn’t dare to blink for a second, just hoping he would win! It felt like I was standing right next to him, fighting together, and I completely forgot that I was just watching the game.” [C2731] Among the external factors, the uncertainty of competitions provokes emotional fluctuations, transforming fans from spectators into “fellow fighters.” For example, one fan wrote: “The match reversed several times, and each time I thought he was going to lose, but then it turned around again. My heart went up and down with him—it didn’t feel like I was watching someone else play; it felt like I was hanging in there with him until the very end.” [C4027] At this point, the match result amplifies emotional fluctuations: victory brings both an enhancement of the athlete’s idol status and a collective carnival in the ‘fandom circle,’ while defeat can lead to emotional defense behaviors such as comment moderation and online arguments. For example, after Wang Chuqin’s loss in the men’s singles table tennis match at the Paris Olympics was questioned, his fans furiously retorted on Weibo: “If it weren’t for the racket change, he would have won! If you don’t understand, just shut up.” [C8710] Soon after, the Weibo comment section erupted in fierce fan battles between supporters and doubters.

Nationalism symbolism refers to the strong nationalistic sentiments embedded in international sports events, which are manifested through dimensions such as national symbols, linguistic and cultural expression, athlete identity, and political symbols. At the level of national symbols, items such as the national flag, national anthem, and national team uniforms are widely regarded as symbols of national honor and can strongly evoke emotional resonance among spectators at key moments. As one fan commented: “When she stood on the podium in the red national team uniform, with the national anthem playing and the flag being raised, I truly felt that moment was so solemn that I was overwhelmed with tears.” [C5231] Athletes, as representatives of the national image, often have their competitive achievements equated with national honor, and the audience’s emotions are subtly drawn closer to the competition arena. One fan said: “He is not fighting for himself but for the entire country. In my heart, he is a national hero figure, the pride of our generation. At that moment, I really wanted to rush onto the podium and hug him.” [C7456] At the level of linguistic and cultural representation, athletes’ use of their native language to express emotions and beliefs can effectively stimulate cultural identity and a sense of belonging among the audience. As another fan wrote: “The first thing she said after the match was in Chinese, ‘Thank you, motherland.’ At that moment, I was really touched. Even though the match was held overseas, hearing my own language felt like hearing the voice of home.” [C3884] At the level of political nationalism symbols, the confrontational structure between countries, the political significance carried by hosting rights, and the historical grievances that stir national emotions make some competitions imbued with meanings beyond sports itself. One fan expressed: “This victory was so satisfying, especially against our long-standing rival. It felt not just like a sports competition, but like a battle for national dignity.” [C6677] The study also found that international sports events attract a large number of non-sports fans through their nationalistic attributes. These fans are often supporters of a particular athlete and may not understand the sports themselves, focusing more on the athlete than the sport. For example, a non-sports fan who supports Fan Zhendong said in an interview: “I don’t understand sports, but I like Fan Zhendong. His spirit of winning glory for the country on the international stage is something I will always follow and support.” [C8129]

Athlete narrative refers to an emotional mode of expression centered around the athlete’s personal image, specifically encompassing their personal experiences, sportsmanship, and role model power. Athletes’ arduous journeys frequently evoke sympathy and recognition, fostering a deep emotional connection. For example, one fan commented: “When he was young, his family was in a tough situation, and he started practicing table tennis before dawn every day. That kind of fighting spirit built up little by little really makes me feel sorry for him, and I understand better why he fights so hard.” [C5021] Athletes’ perseverance and fighting spirit in critical moments evoke live emotional resonance from fans, bridging the emotional gap between them. One comment noted: “She kept playing the entire match despite her injury. At that moment, I couldn’t hold back my tears—not because of how good she was, but because she was right there in front of us, gritting her teeth and fighting for the country and all of us.” [C7543] In addition, the role model qualities displayed by athletes often inspire fans’ identification and psychological attachment, shifting their emotions from admiration to closeness. As one fan stated: “Not only does she play well, but what’s even more valuable is that she always reminds everyone to respect their opponents and stay humble. Every time I hear her speak, I feel especially at ease, like someone is silently telling me how to be a better person.” [C8629]

It is worth noting that this study found that, in order to attract traffic, many current media outlets excessively “heroize and mythologize” athletes during dissemination. For example, they portray athletes as “prodigy teenagers” or “invincible warriors” in a fixed narrative template, repeatedly emphasizing their “extraordinary talent” while neglecting the real process of systematic training and team collaboration behind them. Titles of such reports—including “She is destined to be a champion” and “Fan Zhendong is destined to be a legend”—frequently appear on short video platforms, trending Weibo topics, and marketing accounts’ posts. This type of narrative has altered fans’ emotional structures and focal points, shifting sports fans’ attention from performance on the field to the idealized worship of individual athletes. One fan of Sun Yingsha—who is also a table tennis fan and has participated in municipal-level table tennis competitions—frankly stated: “After the Hangzhou Asian Games, I often came across narrative videos about Shasha and suddenly felt she was extraordinarily gifted. Now I’m her number one fan; I can’t stand anyone questioning her and will definitely fight back. Watching her matches feels like fulfilling my unfinished table tennis dream.” [C9154]

4.1.2. Enabling factors: Characteristics of digital technology.

Digital technology provides strong support for the development of the “sports fandom circle” and is a key enabling factor driving the dynamic development of fan emotions. This study identifies four main enabling mechanisms: spatiotemporal extensibility, virtualization, selectivity, and anonymity.

Spatiotemporal extensibility refers to how digital media transcends the limitations of time and space in communication, allowing fans to participate more conveniently in event interactions, thereby enhancing emotional arousal. In terms of temporal extension, fans can follow athletes’ updates, rewatch highlights, and participate in discussions of past games at any time, prolonging their emotional involvement. As one fan commented: “I check her updates every day, and even after the match, I keep watching the highlights—I just grow fonder of her each time.” [C5234] In terms of spatial extension, online platforms remove physical constraints, enabling users to interact in real time even when not at the venue. Through live information streams and collective feedback, they share a synchronized emotional experience. As one fan put it: “Even though I’m just watching the livestream alone at home, seeing everyone’s comments fly across the screen and everyone responding together, it still feels like we’re watching the match together.” [C8512]

Virtualization refers to the shift of sports content and interaction to online platforms, providing fans with a more convenient way to express emotions. It mainly includes content virtualization and dissemination virtualization. Content virtualization transforms match footage and athlete profiles into videos, images, and other formats, allowing fans to watch and save them anytime. As one fan said, “It’s really convenient—match videos and photo collections are just a quick search away.” [C5956] Dissemination virtualization relies on social media platforms to enable real-time interaction, where fans can express their emotions instantly through bullet comments and replies. As one fan shared, “The moment she scored, I sent a bullet comment right away—it felt like everyone was excited together.” [C6052]

Selectivity refers to the ability of users in the digital media environment to actively choose content that interests them, while platforms also offer personalized recommendations based on user behavior through algorithms. Fans tend to focus on specific figures or topics, fostering emotional convergence within the group. As one fan commented: “I joined several groups of people who like Fan Zhendong — we share his videos and interviews every day, and it really feels like being part of a community.” [C8968] Algorithmic recommendations analyze users’ browsing and interaction records to automatically push related content, which may lead to the phenomenon of an “information cocoon.” In such cases, fans’ attention becomes confined to a particular athlete, and their emotional tendencies are continually reinforced. For example, one fan noted: “After I clicked on one of Fan Zhendong’s match videos, my homepage was filled with his highlights and interviews for days. The platform knows me so well, but I’m enjoying it.” [C7391]

Anonymity refers to the ability of digital media platforms to allow users to conceal their real identities, which provides fans with a sense of psychological security, making them more willing to vent emotions and express their views. As one fan mentioned: “When I see someone belittling my favorite player, I’ll use another account to argue back—after all, no one knows it’s me.” [C1342] In addition, an anonymous environment also facilitates the rapid spread of extreme emotions, intensifying online confrontations. One fan admitted: “As soon as it hit the trending topics, it was all anonymous accounts arguing. After seeing it so much, I ended up replying a few times too.” [C3621]

4.2.1. Emotional arousal.

Emotional arousal marks the initial stage in the formation of a fan emotional community. The characteristics of international sports events trigger this emotional response, while the spatiotemporal extensibility of digital technology breaks traditional constraints, allowing fans to project their emotions onto idols anytime and anywhere, thereby shortening the emotional distance between them and the athletes, mainly manifested in the establishment of a sense of closeness, resonance, and participation. The sense of closeness arises from increased contact frequency, as fans gradually develop a sense of familiarity through likes, comments, and live interactions—leading to feelings such as “he feels like a friend to me” [C3321] Resonance stems from emotional responses to athletes’ struggles and efforts, as one fan noted: “Seeing him giving his all for his dreams, I really understand.” [C4598] Participation refers to fans’ sense of being part of the athlete’s journey through long-term support and “accompanying” the athlete, with continuous attention to a particular athlete leading to a stronger sense of participation. Some fans even develop “relationship fantasies. These fantasies typically take two forms: one is the “friend-like companionship,” where fans see the athlete as a close friend growing alongside them, as a fan shared: “Witnessing Ma Long grow from an inexperienced player to a mature athlete feels like accompanying him along the way.” [C1124] The second is the “romantic fantasy,” where fans project their ideal emotions onto the athlete, often referring to them as “husband” or “wife”: “My heart races every time he comes out to play.” [C2783] According to a survey by the People’s Forum Questionnaire Center [N = 3895], 18% of respondents admitted to having some degree of “relationship fantasy” toward their idols [75]. This phenomenon indicates that digital platforms have reshaped the emotional distance between fans and athletes.

As the emotional distance narrows, fans’ emotions further transform into emotional attachment, including achievement attachment and personal attachment. Achievement attachment refers to the emotional connection fans develop through continuous attention and admiration for athletes’ outstanding athletic abilities. “The way he controls the game during matches is so captivating; every move is precise and powerful—I can’t get enough of it! His technical skills really amaze me, and I get completely absorbed. If I don’t watch his match videos every day, I feel empty inside, like something’s missing.” [C2714] In contrast, personal attachment refers to the emotional connection fans develop through deep identification with athletes’ personal qualities and spiritual values, treating them as an emotional anchor. “No matter whether he wins or loses, just seeing him smile on the court makes everything worthwhile. His resilience and gentleness have touched me, and whenever I face difficulties in life, thinking of him gives me strength. I feel like he has long been a part of my life.” [C3329] This study also found that fans’ attachment can shift from achievement attachment to personal attachment. As one fan expressed, “After watching Fan Zhendong’s match against Tomokazu Harimoto, I was really shocked by his skills, and since then I’ve followed every one of his matches. But the more I follow him, the more I discover that he’s not only an amazing player, but also a genuinely sincere and warm person off the court. Now I like him not just for his skills, but also for his perseverance and charismatic personality. Every time there’s an offline event, I always go to support and check in.” [C4782] This phenomenon is similar to that found in entertainment fandoms, where fans’ obsession with idols goes beyond appreciation of their work and stems from infatuation with their persona [76].

4.2.2. Emotional expression.

After experiencing emotional arousal, the emotions internally triggered in fans do not remain at the level of feeling alone but are instead expressed through concrete actions. In classic fan subculture research, fans’ emotional expression is characterized by “productive consumption,” where they not only keep up with the latest developments of the original work but also actively engage in secondary creations [77]. However, this form of emotional expression is mainly confined to subcultural groups and realized through specific physical media, which is not conducive to organizational mobilization. The arrival of the digital age has virtualized the content and form of dissemination, fundamentally breaking this limitation. Fans’ emotional expression is no longer restricted to physical products [such as live viewing] but is extended through symbolic interaction and digital consumption.

Symbolic interaction refers to the way individuals convey emotions and express identity through recognizable symbolic systems, typically including three types: visual symbols, linguistic symbols, and behavioral symbols. During the Paris Olympics, fans vividly expressed their emotions using visual symbols such as emojis, GIFs, and event posters: “Every time Fan Zhendong wins a point, I take a screenshot and make a GIF of that moment when he swings his racket. Everyone says it’s so exciting—it feels more powerful than just posting words.” [C1845] Through linguistic symbols such as nicknames, slogans, and catchphrases, fans enhanced interactive fun: “We all call Sun Yingsha ‘Little Tank Shasha’—when she charges, she’s so unstoppable. Just shouting that nickname can instantly fire everyone up, and the comment section goes wild.” [C2912] Fans also participate in emotional expression and collective rituals using behavioral symbols like reposting, liking, and voting to support athletes: “Before Wang Chuqin’s match, I always repost his official account’s posters and get my friends to like it. If I don’t repost or like it, I feel like I’m not really part of today’s match.” [C3790]

Digital consumption is a key external form of fan emotional expression, mainly including content consumption, product consumption, and support-based consumption. The first two typically refer to spending related to sports events and merchandise. As one fan shared: “I bought that limited edition NFT badge of his and the official 3D signature card. Even if I can’t use them, just collecting them makes me happy.” [C2194] This study finds that support-based consumption is a defining feature that distinguishes the “sports fandom circle” from ordinary sports fans. The celebrity fandom model from the entertainment industry has extended into the “sports fandom circle”, where fan spending has shifted from simply buying merchandise to investing in areas that align with the athlete’s development needs. This helps shape the athlete’s ideal persona while giving fans emotional satisfaction. As one fan put it: “It’s not that I really need these things; it’s that he needs popularity and exposure, and I’m willing to spend money to help him top the charts.” [C3978] This consumption model has gradually transformed the traditional fan “gift economy” into a “digital donation economy.” As a result, in the “sports fandom circle”, fans supporting athletes through “cheering activities” has become increasingly common, such as purchasing digital tokens like “little red flowers” or “adding energy” on popularity charts. One fan wrote: “I’ve already given 50 little red flowers today; I hope he can reach number one.” [C4601] It is evident that fans now regard their own “spending power” as a key indicator of the athlete’s popularity and commercial value, and that the act of consumption itself has become a symbol of their emotional identity.

4.2.3. Emotional aggregation.

Building on the above two levels, the construction of emotional communities in “sports fandom circle” also requires emotional aggregation among fans. Digital technology, through mechanisms of active selection and algorithmic recommendation, accelerates emotional aggregation by prompting fans to cluster and form group identity in virtual environments.

The foundation of emotional aggregation lies in fan gathering. Traditional sports fans are limited by media constraints, with single forms of interaction and difficulty crossing community boundaries. Fan gathering mainly takes place offline. Even today, in the “sports fandom circle”, some fans with strong personal attachment still prefer offline gathering to express their emotional support. As one fan shared: “I traveled from the north to the south just to watch Dong Ge’s match. Half the stadium was filled with fans in matching outfits, cheering in unison—the atmosphere was electric. I also met like-minded friends there, and the whole trip was truly worth it.” [C3021] What’s different is that in the digital age, the formation and expansion of “sports fandom circle” is faster, and communication between fan groups is more convenient. It’s easier to form online communities, where each community generally comprises fans of the same athlete, so there are many shared topics, making it easy to resonate with each other. Frequent interactions in these communities enhance the sense of belonging and accelerate emotional aggregation. As one fan commented: “At first, I just liked Dong Ge by myself, but after joining the fan group, I realized there were so many like-minded people. Every day, everyone passionately discusses his matches and highlights—even just one photo can be talked about for a long time. The atmosphere is so contagious. Before I knew it, I started editing videos and writing posts to participate. Although many people have never met in person, the feeling of chasing our idol together is like fighting side by side. In this group, I truly found a sense of belonging—it’s like a big, united family.” [C3920]

The core of emotional aggregation lies in the establishment of group identity. Through interactions based on shared interests and emotions, fan communities continuously deepen their cultural identity, social identity, and value identity related to their idols and the fandom circle they belong to, thereby constructing a stable and exclusive emotional community. Cultural identification refers to fans’ acceptance of fandom rules and atmosphere, as well as the formation of a shared sense of identity and belonging across diverse backgrounds. As one fan said: “No matter if we come from the south or the north, we are all guardians of Fan Zhendong. We cannot bring negativity to him; everyone in the group consciously abides by the rules.” [C5832] Social identification is reflected in fans building emotional connections with others through their shared support for an idol, gaining understanding and acceptance, which helps them escape feelings of isolation and reinforces their sense of belonging. As one fan put it: “When I used to follow idols alone, I always felt lonely and misunderstood. But after joining the Sun Yingsha fan group, chasing matches, voting, and chatting together made me feel the warmth of being understood, and it made me identify more strongly as a ‘Shafan.’ It made me more determined to stay in this circle.” [C6417] Value identity stems from fans’ recognition of both the athlete and the values of the fandom circle, gradually transforming into emotional cohesion within the group and reinforcing fans’ positions as “exclusive fans.” As one fan commented: “Seeing Dong Ge participate in an educational support project really touched me. Not only is he a great player, but he’s also a responsible person. At that moment, I felt even more determined to be his fan only, and I felt proud of the atmosphere in our circle.” [C6923]

This study also found that once group identity is formed, fan communities often develop a set of standardized strategies to support athletes through identity symbols and organizational models. First, they create identity tags [such as Fan Zhendong fans calling themselves “Fanxing”] to strengthen their sense of identity and facilitate the organization of support activities. Second, collective actions are often implemented in a highly organized manner, leveraging digital technology to build a rationalized bureaucratic system characterized by clear divisions of labor and hierarchical structures. This structure typically takes the form of concentric circles, where core “big fans” are responsible for decision-making and resource coordination, the next core layer of fans handles content production and promotion, and the peripheral fans drive specific activities. Particularly during large-scale events such as the Olympics, fan organizations spontaneously form collaborative models to ensure that support activities proceed efficiently and in an orderly manner.

4.2.4. Emotional community reproduction.

As the emotional communities of sports fans continue their self-reproduction, their influence on the public sphere grows increasingly significant. This study finds that whether the reproduction of “sports fandom circle” reinforces the power of sports or disrupts its order depends on how fans utilize the anonymity of digital technology. Some fans use anonymous platforms to enhance the quality of discourse and foster a constructive collective consciousness, channeling emotions toward rational expression and collective interests. Others, however, exploit anonymity to escape real-world constraints, leading to extreme emotional expression, undermining rational interaction, and even triggering conflict that challenges public order.

1. (1). Positive Reproduction of Fan Emotions

In a highly individualized society, the “sports fandom circle” provides fans with opportunities to reintegrate into a collective. Through digital platforms, fans can experience and understand different life states and gradually acquire the ability to reflect on their own emotional practices [78]. The anonymity and openness of these platforms create new spaces for fan interaction and promote emotional expressions that align with social expectations, particularly in terms of sports fairness and cultural dissemination.

In some public issues, “sports fandom circle” also demonstrate rational voices, especially in constructing fairness in participation rights and discourse power. Regarding gender equity in competition, fans have used platforms like Weibo Super Topics to advocate for the rights of female athletes. During the controversy over transgender participation in the Paris Olympics, some fans called for “more professional participation standards to ensure fairness for female athletes.” Meanwhile, female fans compiled similar cases and educational materials, emphasizing: “We support the rights of transgender individuals, but women’s events must ensure fairness for female athletes.” [C5247] In terms of regional equality, fans have engaged in cheerleading and comment management for athletes from underprivileged areas, guiding public discourse to draw attention to marginalized groups. One fan wrote in a support post: “Athletes from poor regions have just as much talent, and we should fight for more visibility for them.” [C6174] Regarding sports discourse power, female fans spoke up for women athletes: “Every time she swings her paddle, she’s telling us that girls can also dominate the game. Our voting and moderation are not just for her achievements but also to fight for every hardworking girl.” [C6938]

In addition, fans have contributed to the spread and recognition of sports culture by sharing athletes’ stories and organizing group viewing events. One fan remarked, “Seeing these athletes work so hard for their dreams, we should give them a thumbs up and learn from their sportsmanship.” [C5236] Such collective efforts have also brought attention to lesser-known sports. “I never watched archery before, but my friend dragged me to watch a match, and I was immediately hooked by the intense atmosphere.” [C5889] “We’re not professional promoters, but we’re willing to use our passion to let more people see the value of these lesser-known sports.” [C6720]

1. (2). Polarization of Fan Emotions

The phenomenon of emotional polarization in the “sports fandom circle” shows a complex structure, mainly reflected in the opposition between fan groups, emotional conflicts between fans and athletes, and tensions between fans and commercial brands.

The opposition between fan groups is the most direct manifestation of emotional polarization within the “sports fandom circle”, especially during high-pressure international competitions. The anonymity of digital spaces removes real-world identity constraints, amplifies emotional expression, and weakens rational discussion, ultimately leading to opposing camps [79]. Some fans attack each other due to differing stances—for instance, one comment reads: “Wang Chuqin’s fans are once again excusing his mistakes after his loss—at the end of the day, he’s just not as steady as our Dong Ge.” [C187] In athlete Super Topics, long-standing debates such as “Who’s the real No.1” and “Who dragged the team down” have sparked internal disputes. As one fan lamented: “I came to watch the match, but every day feels like a battlefield.” [C624] Another fan remarked: “Seeing them trashing my favorite player again, I just switched accounts and clapped back. I couldn’t be bothered to reason with them anymore.” [C932]

Emotional conflicts between fans and athletes are another manifestation of polarization, primarily stemming from the gap between fans’ high expectations and athletes’ actual performance. Anonymous platforms fuel emotional outbursts, with some fans turning to cyberbullying out of disappointment—particularly among those with strong achievement-based attachment to the athlete. For example, after Wang Chuqin was eliminated in the round of 32 in the men’s singles at the Paris Olympics and continued to lose in subsequent events, he faced harsh criticism such as “wasting national resources” and “setting new lows.” One fan remarked, “I used to watch every one of his matches and even defended him against haters, but after his Olympic exit and continuous losses, I’m just completely disappointed.” [C1580]

The tension between fans and commercial brands represents the third dimension of emotional polarization within the “sports fandom circle”. As sports events become increasingly intertwined with brand partnerships, fan emotions are also tied to commercial interests. Brands leverage emotional marketing to engage fans, while fans express support through endorsements and consumption. However, when brand actions fall short of fan expectations, emotional support can quickly turn into emotional conflict. Take Li-Ning as an example: the long-established “national brand” image it cultivated backfired during the Paris Olympics. Design flaws in its sponsored national team uniforms—such as poor sweat absorption and discomfort—sparked collective backlash from fans. One fan of Fan Zhendong complained, “The clothes stuck to his body and affected his performance—Li-Ning has betrayed the athletes’ trust.” [C2381] The dissatisfaction escalated into a large-scale boycott of the brand. Additionally, athletes’ commercial endorsements can also trigger fan discontent. Some questioned, “Constant ad shoots are bound to affect training quality,” [C3062] blaming a decline in performance on excessive commercial engagements. This protective anxiety often translates into criticism of the sponsoring brands.