Venezuelan context

Venezuela has enjoyed periods of peace and prosperity throughout its history, partly facilitated by its rich oil reserves [1]. In 2016, in response to a fall in oil prices, the Venezuelan government manipulated the national currency to compensate, triggering an economic recession and hyperinflation [2]. Simultaneous political, economic, and humanitarian crises followed, causing Venezuelans from all socioeconomic classes to flee the country [3,4]. To preserve power, the Venezuelan government adopted extreme repressive tactics and perpetrated severe human rights violations against its citizens [5]. These repressive tactics acted as a factor that amplified outmigration [6]. Today, people in Venezuela experience severely limited access to food and medicine [4,7], widespread unemployment [8], and the devastating effects of ongoing hyperinflation, which peaked in 2018 at over 65,000% and currently hovers around 100% [9].

As a result of these crises, 7.7 million people – over 20 percent of Venezuela’s pre-crisis population – have emigrated since 2015 [3,4,10]. Despite being the largest migration in modern Latin American history [11], the Venezuelan exodus ranks among the world’s most neglected and underfunded modern displacement crises [12]. Many Venezuelan migrants have faced substantial personal losses, including losing their homes, jobs, savings, property, and even family members. Under these circumstances, many have decided to endure treacherous journeys to leave Venezuela [13–16].

Colombian context

Colombia, a middle-income country with a population of over 52 million people [17], shares Venezuela’s longest international land border [8]. Colombia has experienced periods of violence and instability, as Venezuela has, resulting at times in substantial outmigration [1,18–20], as well as high numbers of internally displaced people (IDPs) [21]. In fact, with over 6.8 million IDPs, Colombia has one of the largest internally displaced populations in the world [21], which complicates the country’s ability to effectively manage the inflow of Venezuelan migrants.

Venezuelan Migrants in Colombia

As of June 2024, approximately 2.9 million Venezuelan migrants were living in Colombia – the largest group of Venezuelan emigrants anywhere in the world [3,10,22]. Within Colombia, the cities of Bogotá and Medellín host the largest number of Venezuelan migrants, followed by Cúcuta, Cali, and Barranquilla [23]. The hardships that Venezuelan migrants encounter are compounded by high levels of discrimination in receiving countries, including Colombia [1,21,23,24]. The United Nations (UN) High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that close to 70% of Venezuelan migrants who live in Latin America and the Caribbean have insufficient access to rights and basic needs in their receiving country, highlighting the dire need for international support, improved policies, and increased access to services for this population [10]. The UN Sustainable Development Goals, including no poverty, reduced inequalities, good health and well-being, provide a compelling justification for addressing these needs [25].

Venezuelan parents and caregivers, or nonparent adults who fill a care-providing, parent-like role for minors in the same household, face unique challenges in Colombia [26–28]. Many of these parents and caregivers (henceforth collectively referred to as ‘parents’) encounter barriers to accessing healthcare, education, and employment, which are often exacerbated by discrimination and lack of legal status [26–28]. Some who find work take on multiple jobs to provide for their children in Colombia as well as family members in Venezuela [27]. Parenting duties also become more difficult in context of tensions between work and caretaking away from community connections they relied on pre-migration [29]. Despite these unique obstacles, the experiences of Venezuelan migrant parents remain underexplored.

Using the Transnational Theory of Cultural Stress, which posits that premigration, transit, and postmigration stressors are interconnected and may impact family functioning and well-being during the resettlement process [29,30], this study aims to identify the needs of Venezuelan migrant parents and caregivers of minors who have resettled in various Colombian cities. Perspectives from Venezuelan migrant parents were complemented by those of service providers to identify systemic challenges and service gaps, providing a more comprehensive understanding of the population’s needs and potential areas for intervention.

Study design and sample

Using a qualitative descriptive research design, participants were recruited using a combination of convenience and probability sampling methods. A sample of 30 Venezuelan parents and 25 providers was predetermined during the design stage. This decision was informed by previous studies that utilized similar sample sizes and successfully achieved data saturation [31,32] and by the availability of resources. Initially, convenience sampling was employed by our research team partnering with Heartland Alliance International (HAI), a U.S.-based humanitarian agency that provides various services in Colombia, including psychosocial support. Recruitment efforts focused on five cities: Bogotá, Tunja, Cali, Barranquilla, and Pasto. The cities were selected to capture a diverse range of participant experiences and were chosen in collaboration with HAI to reflect areas with a large number of Venezuelan migrants where the agency had a physical presence. Once the lists of interested participants were compiled, probability sampling was used to randomly select participants from each city-specific list. This method ensured fairness and reduced selection bias, as participants were randomly chosen from the pool of those who expressed interest.

Recruitment

To recruit Venezuelan parents, the principal investigator (PI: MPL) provided a flyer and a script in Spanish with detailed information about the study to HAI’s program supervisors, who then relayed the information to program providers. Providers handed out the flyers to Venezuelan parents, and those who expressed interest in participating were included on a list with their contact information (i.e., phone number and email). Supervisors then sent these lists to a designated contact person in the agency, who combined all the information and created city-specific spreadsheets. Information from Bogotá and Tunja was combined because the same office provided services to these two cities. The point person then shared the lists with the PI. The lists of interested Venezuelan parents had 75 eligible individuals, of which 37 were randomly selected using a Microsoft Excel function (S1 Table). The number of participants selected from each city was proportional to the total number of interested participants in that city (i.e., more participants were selected from cities with higher numbers of interested participants). The PI then provided a list to the research assistants (RAs), who contacted potential participants, verified inclusion criteria, and scheduled a time to conduct the interview. Each potential participant was reached on three different occasions and through different methods (e.g., phone call, email). If the potential participant did not reply, the PI randomly selected another participant from the list. The inclusion criteria for Venezuelan parents in the study were as follows: 1) currently living with a child between the ages of 5 and 17, and 2) migrated from Venezuela to Colombia within the last five years (i.e., since 2016). The criteria were established to understand the experiences of recently arrived Venezuelan parents with school-aged children, given the specific needs of this population.

Providers were also recruited in partnership with HAI and from the same cities as Venezuelan parents. First, an introductory email with information about the study was sent out to all providers who predominantly worked with Venezuelan migrants and providers who worked at other humanitarian agencies that provided services to Venezuelan migrants. Providers interested in participating in the study were added to a list of potential participants, which was then shared with the PI. The lists of interested providers had 42 eligible individuals, out of which 25 were randomly selected using a Microsoft Excel function (S2 Table). The number of participants selected from each city was proportional to the number of participants interested in participating from the humanitarian agency and from other community and service agencies. The inclusion criteria for providers were: 1) they work predominantly with Venezuelan migrants and 2) they provide social or health-related services to Venezuelan migrants.

Procedure

Semi-structured interviews were conducted virtually between October 4, 2021 and February 27, 2022. Three bilingual (English and Spanish) research assistants (RAs) conducted the interviews. Two of the RAs identify as female, and one of them as male. At the time of the study, the RAs had varying levels of education and training. One RA had recently graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in Psychology, another was a first-year student in a Doctor of Psychology program, and the third RA was enrolled in a Master of Social Work program. All RAs had previous experience working with Latin American migrants and received extensive training from the principal investigator (PI: MPL) on the study protocol. The RAs sent reminders to participants one day and one hour before the interview to remind them about the interview. Prior to the first interview, the PI and RAs conducted role-playing activities to practice the interview process. The RAs and PI met weekly to discuss insights, questions or issues that arose during the interviews.

During the first call, the RAs introduce d themselves and the study’s purpose, verified the participants’ inclusion criteria, and scheduled a two-hour appointment for the interview. All procedures with Venezuelan parents and providers were conducted in Spanish. During the interview, the RAs first obtained informed consent from participants and then proceeded to conduct a demographic questionnaire, which included questions on age, gender, and the highest level of education obtained. Among Venezuelan parents, questions on the date of arrival to Colombia and mode of transportation were included. For providers, information on their job title, number of years practicing, and nationality were included.

Following the demographic questionnaire, the RAs collected depression and anxiety symptoms using the validated Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) and the Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) questionnaire, respectively. The RAs then proceeded to conduct the semi-structured interviews. The interview guide for Venezuelan parents asked about their life back in Venezuela, the process of migrating to Colombia, and their life in Colombia (S1 File). The interview guide was pilot tested with a Venezuelan parent, which led to several revisions based on observations and suggestions the participant made. Sample questions include: “Please tell me more about you. What was the hardest thing about the journey for your family? What has been most helpful to your family since arriving in Colombia?.” The providers’ interview guide included questions about their work with Venezuelan migrants and their perspective about the primary issues faced by Venezuelan parents in Colombia. Sample questions include: “What do you think are the biggest stressors for Venezuelan migrant families in Colombia? What are the characteristics of Venezuelan migrant families that help them do well, despite the challenges?”.

Data analysis

All interviews with Venezuelan parents and providers were recorded. However, one recorder malfunctioned, resulting in a file that could not be played back. Therefore, the interview was excluded from the sample. The recordings were transcribed verbatim through a human transcription company. To verify the transcripts’ accuracy, one RA involved in conducting the interviews listened to all the recordings while reading the transcripts. Three RAs then used thematic analysis to code the data [33]. One of the RAs involved in data collection also participated in the data analysis. The other two RAs were not involved in data collection but had extensive experience coding qualitative data. Each interview was coded by two RAs. One RA coded only data from Venezuelan parents, one coded only data from providers, and one coded data from both, parents and providers.

Following the 6 phases of thematic analysis, in the first phase, the RAs read all the interview transcripts to familiarize themselves with the data [33]. Additionally, the RAs wrote down important ideas that consistently arose from the data. As part of the second phase, the RAs developed a list of initial codes and developed two different codebooks using Dedoose Version 9.0.17 [34]. One codebook was developed for Venezuelan parents and a separate codebook was developed for providers. After developing the codebooks, the RAs systematically coded all the interviews. In phase three, the RAs and the PI met to group the codes into broader themes by clustering the codes that discussed similar experiences. Under this phase and to ensure trustworthiness, the RAs determined the average agreement between coders for each code, which was calculated by identifying the number of times a specific code was assigned out of the total number of interviews [35,36]. Ideally, each code should at least reach an 80% intercoder agreement [35]. When there was less than 80% agreement, the coders discussed code definitions and interpretations until consensus was reached, after which they recoded the interviews [35].

The PI met with the RAs weekly to discuss the codebook and the intercoder agreement. The final intercoder reliability agreement was 88% for the parent data and 82% for the provider data. In phase four, the PI verified that all the coded information under each theme created a coherent pattern. Then, a thematic map of all the themes was developed. Following this, the RAs and the PI checked the thematic map against the transcripts to ensure that the most prominent participant perceptions were encapsulated in the map. Under phase five, the themes were refined, and a description of each theme was created. Also, a title that captured the essence of each theme was identified. As part of the final phase, quotes that exemplified the themes were selected and translated into English using a back-and-forth translation approach [37]. Guided by the Transnational Theory of Cultural Stress, which highlights how stress accumulates throughout the migration journey, the themes were organized into three phases: premigration, transit, and resettlement.

Research ethics

During the day of the interview, the RAs first read the consent form to the participants and encouraged them to ask questions. Due to the participants’ vulnerable status and their potential apprehension towards signing any paperwork, written consent was not obtained. Instead, the RAs secured oral consent from participants and documented it through audio recordings. This approach was chosen to ensure the participants felt safe and comfortable while still adhering to ethical research standards. All participants were compensated with a grocery store gift card of 40,000 COP (~10 USD) for their time. Participants’ names have been changed to protect participant confidentiality. All activities were reviewed and approved by the Boston College Institutional Review Board under protocol number 21.172.01E and by the Los Andes University Institutional Review Board under protocol number 1274 of 2020. Additional information about inclusivity in global research is available in the S2 File.

Sample description

A total of 51 interviews, 30 with Venezuelan parents and 21 service providers, were conducted. Due to a recording malfunction, one parent interview was excluded, resulting in a final sample of 29 parent interviews and 21 provider interviews. The interviews with parents (Table 1) lasted an average of 59 minutes, and those with providers (Table 2) lasted an average of 77 minutes. Most parents were female (97%) with an average age of 37 years. Parents had spent on average, 3.4 years in Colombia. Regarding education level, eight participants (28%) did not graduate from high school, eight (28%) completed high school, and the remaining had attended college or obtained higher levels of education. Most parents were the biological mother of the children they cared for (83%); one was the biological father, three were grandmothers, and one was an aunt. Although most parents migrated with their children to Colombia, a few (n = 6; 21%) had reunited with them after migrating to Colombia. Regarding race, three participants (10%) identified as Afro/Black.

Download:

• PPT
  PowerPoint slide
• PNG
  larger image
• TIFF
  original image

Table 1. Parent’s Sociodemographic Information (N = 29).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0329536.t001

Download:

• PPT
  PowerPoint slide
• PNG
  larger image
• TIFF
  original image

Table 2. Provider’s Sociodemographic Information (N = 21).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0329536.t002

Most providers were female (71%) with an average age of 35.7 years (Table 2). Most of them were Colombian (90%), but they primarily worked with Venezuelan migrants. A substantial number of them held at least a bachelor’s or a master’s degree (n = 12; 57%). The providers had different occupations including psychologists, community workers, lawyers, social workers, among others.

Themes

Based on the thematic analysis from the interviews with Venezuelan parents and service providers, three themes were identified. These themes represent the needs and challenges that Venezuelan migrant parents encountered before and during migration, which ultimately impacted their resettlement process in Colombia. These themes include: 1) lack of basic necessities forced Venezuelan families to migrate; 2) physical and emotional hardships experienced during the long migration journey; and 3) accumulation of ongoing challenges in Colombia left migrants feeling defeated (see Table 3). Below we provide an explanation of each theme, along with representative quotes from participants.

Download:

• PPT
  PowerPoint slide
• PNG
  larger image
• TIFF
  original image

Table 3. Themes and definitions.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0329536.t003

Implications

The findings from this study suggested that cumulative stressors experienced during premigration, and transit phases ultimately influence the wellbeing of Venezuelan families during their resettlement process in Colombia. Despite Colombia sharing a common language and some cultural traditions with Venezuela, many participants in our study emphasized the cultural disconnect they experienced after resettlement. These differences—ranging from social norms to institutional expectations—highlight the need for culturally responsive interventions. Mental health providers could consider incorporating strategies to address the ongoing economic stressors, potentially including financial counseling, job placement assistance, and support groups for migrants facing economic hardship. Additionally, it is essential for providers to address trauma that may stem from the experiences that Venezuelan families faced in their home country. Mental health initiatives should prioritize the integration of migrants into the host community by fostering social support networks and enhancing access to essential services, such as healthcare and education. While some migrant families may not have experienced trauma, it is crucial for providers to be vigilant of the potential impacts of such experiences.

The results of this study also shed light on the importance of addressing issues such as the regularization of Venezuelan migrants, housing instability, economic fragility, and credential validation, all of which act as deterrents to financial stability. The combination of persistent nostalgia for Venezuela and the socio-economic challenges Venezuelan migrants face in Colombia warrants multifaceted, empathetic responses from researchers and policymakers to improve their quality of life.

Limitations

Despite this study’s contributions, it is also essential to acknowledge its limitations. First, the findings are constrained by the timing of data collection, as migration experiences are dynamic and can evolve over time. The data were collected in 2021 and 2022, which may not fully capture the ongoing and changing nature of Venezuelan migrants’ current experiences in Colombia. Second, the selection of cities for participant recruitment presents a limitation. Although cities such as Cúcuta and Medellín host large populations of Venezuelan migrants, they were not included in the study. Third, the diverse backgrounds and experiences of Venezuelan migrants suggest that needs can vary widely, making it challenging to capture the full range of circumstances. Future studies could expand recruitment to additional cities to better reflect the heterogeneity of this population. Lastly, the inclusion criteria for service providers did not require a minimum duration of experience working with Venezuelan parents, which may have impacted the depth and breadth of the information gathered. Additionally, the assessment to which providers primarily worked with Venezuelan migrants was based on self-report. Future research could benefit from incorporating more objective and nuanced measures to verify the extent of providers’ work with specific populations. Despite these limitations, the study offers valuable insights into the needs of Venezuelan migrants in Colombia and contributes meaningfully to the existing literature.