1 Introduction

Migration is a longstanding phenomenon that occurs throughout human life across different generations. The activity is influenced by life-course events, such as the completion of schooling, entry into the labour force, marriage, childbirth, divorce, children leaving parental homes due to adulthood, and retirement [1,2]. Recent studies on migration intertwine the intention and desire to move with the life-course events [3], and analyse life-course events such as leaving parental home [4] and retirement [5–8].

The motivations and driving factors behind migration exhibit age-related variation, with the highest likelihood observed among younger individuals, gradually declining with increasing age [3,9]. Therefore, discussions on migration are commonly centred around the younger age groups [10]. The migration of young individuals, particularly those relocating from non-metropolitan to metropolitan areas, is driven by aspirations for educational advancement, improved job prospects, career enhancement opportunities [11], and the pursuit of economic independence [12]. Conversely, the primary motivations driving older people’s migration are unrelated to economic factors [13–17]. Older adults often relocate to areas distant from workplaces and some move to their place of origin. Since the move is not constrained by employment considerations, older adults are more likely to prioritise other factors [15,18–20]. Moreover, a strong sense of place often leads older adults to return to their place of origin in later life, following periods of employment in other regions during their younger years [21].

Migration results in a shift in residential location within a specific area, ranging from changes in neighbourhoods to transitions across cities and countries [22]. Residential change also entails social transformation [23] as migrants leave their familiar environment to relocate to new areas and integrate into different communities that are likely to be socially and culturally distinct from their previous residences [24]. Residing in the destination area exposes migrants to various facets, including aspects such as pleasure and comfort, culture, religion, and patterns of social relations among community members [25]. Migrants who undergo cross-cultural transition are compelled to adapt to the new social environment [26], which may involve forming new friendships and participating in social activities [23]. Adaptation becomes more complex when migration occurs between areas with vastly different social environments. Consequently, the potential challenges migrants face in adapting to the social environment are significant considerations in their destination choices [27].

Adapting to the social environment is necessary not only for migrants relocating to new destinations but also for those returning to their place of origin. This necessity arises because migrants have lived in the destination area, where social values and norms may differ from those of their original community. Over time, migrants may have been influenced by the values and norms prevalent in the destination area and must readjust to the social environment of their origins upon returning [28].

Numerous studies on migrant adaptation have been conducted, internationally [29–39] and domestically [27,40–44]. Most of these studies did not focus on specific age groups. However, some studies have explored specific age groups, including social adaptation among migrant children in China [45], adaptation of older adult Chinese migrants in Singapore [46], and adaptation of Tibetan retirees in Chengdu, China [47]. Furthermore, [48] analysed the adaptation of older adult immigrants from six Asian countries in the United States and [49] examined the adaptation of Romanian older adult migrants in Western European countries. However, studies focusing on the adaptation of return migrants are rare, including Turkish return immigrants from Western countries [34], American return migrants from Israel [50], repatriation of American teachers from Japan [51], and repatriation preparedness of American managers from overseas [52]. Studies on the adaptation of older adult return migrants to their place of origin are also scarce, except for Turkish older adults who migrated back home after living many years abroad, particularly in some European countries [38,53].

Despite the significant contribution of older adults to internal return migration in Indonesia, research on their adaptation experiences remains limited. While studies on older adult migration are generally scarce, a notable exception is the work of [54], who analysed the migration motives of Indonesian older adults using the 2007 Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS) data. However, this study did not specifically investigate the experiences of older adults returning to their place of origin. Addressing this gap, the central research question of this study examines the adaptive strategies employed by retired older adults to navigate the social environment after returning to their place of origin, with a particular emphasis on their social reintegration within their communities, especially at the neighbourhood level, following retirement [53].

This study focuses on older adults who relocated to their place of origin immediately after retirement or during the subsequent period. In contrast to the general Indonesian population, the retired older adults in this study demonstrate a higher educational attainment. National data from 2024 indicate that only 41% of the population has attained secondary or higher education [55]. The higher educational attainment among these retired older adults is likely due to the educational requirements of their former employment. Furthermore, the retired older adults in this study represent a relatively economically successful cohort, as their post-retirement financial capacity enables them to afford returning to their place of origin.

The term “place of origin” refers to either the province of birth or the province in which the older adult return migrants previously resided. In this study, the term specifically pertains to the Yogyakarta Special Region (Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta / DIY). Prior to Indonesia’s independence, Yogyakarta was a kingdom under the Yogyakarta Sultanate [56]. The Yogyakarta Special Region, along with Solo in Central Java Province, which before independence was under the Surakarta Sultanate, serves as a primary centre of Javanese culture [57]. Javanese cultural values, such as the imperative to achieve harmony and respect for others, are strongly maintained and practiced in people’s social lives [58], although some aspects have evolved [56].

This study aims to address the gap in academic knowledge regarding the adaptation of older adult migrants in their place of origin, an area that remains understudied. Moreover, the significance of this study lies in the potential impact on the welfare of retired older adult return migrants residing in DIY. Individuals who navigate the adaptation process successfully are likely to experience a content and fulfilling old age in DIY. In contrast, individuals experiencing difficulties in adapting may face social challenges that significantly hinder their social integration, potentially driving further out-migration from their place of origin.

This paper comprises five sections arranged as follows. The first section serves as the introduction, showing the topic, context, and addressed gap. The second section is dedicated to the literature review, involving concepts, theories, and previous studies related to the adaptation of return migrants, including older adult retirees. The third section delves into the methodology, comprising the location, data sources, data collection, and data analysis. The fourth section presents the adaptation strategies of older adult retirees who return to their place of origin in DIY. Finally, the last section serves as the discussion, conclusion, and policy recommendation, summarising the main findings and the implications for older adult return migrants in DIY. It discusses the implications of their return for service provision, highlighting necessary measures to support their well-being in old age.

2 Literature review

Migration occurring across numerous regions worldwide leads migrants to engage in contact and interaction with individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds [59]. The movements result in cultural transformations, a phenomenon known as acculturation [29,60], which involves adaptation at group and individual levels. Although adaptation is a strategy in the acculturation process, the term is interchangeable with acculturation, adjustment, and accommodation [61].

Adaptation refers to relatively stable changes in individuals or groups to react to environmental demands [29,62,63], including different social circumstances in a new area [41]. In a study on the socio-cultural adaptation of the Chinese medical aid team in Africa, [64] referred to adaptation as the management of day-to-day life within the social context of the destination country. Moreover, in a study on cultural distance and acculturation scales, [65] referred to sociocultural adaptation as the behavioral aspects of adapting to a new culture. Individuals subjected to the process of adaptation tend to embrace public morality, such as societal obligations, goals, and behaviours [66].

Adaptation comprises numerous facets of life, including establishing new social connections, securing employment, and promoting relationships in informal groups in a novel environment, deriving benefits from the associations [29]. The process of adaptation includes navigating diverse attributes inherent to individuals with distinct social and cultural backgrounds, such as language, culinary preferences, and clothing. A study on older people migration to urban Shanghai showed the necessity for migrants to conduct adaptation in multiple aspects, including self-identity, daily activities, and social interactions [41]. Social networks and cultural maintenance are among factors in determining the success of rural migrants’ adaptation in urban China [67].

The most frequently used indicators to measure adaptation are acculturation, economic success, satisfaction, and identification with the destination [37]. In a study on immigrants in Australia, [37] applied several criteria influencing migrants’ adaptation, namely English fluency, emotional health, diversity of experience, interpersonal relationships, and expectations of migration activities. A study on Romanian older people migrants in western European countries found similar results that the ability to speak the host countries’ language was an important factor affecting migrants’ adaptation [49]. Drawing upon these findings and further supported by [30,68] and [67], limited proficiency in the host country’s language consistently emerges as a substantial impediment to immigrants’ socio-economic integration [29,67].

Adaptation becomes necessary following return migration due to potential transformations experienced by the individual migrant and within the socio-environmental context of their origin during the out-migration period. On one hand, after a period of residence in different locations, migrants’ identities may be subjected to transformation, feeling a sense of disconnect or not fitting in with former friends, colleagues, and family members [26]. Therefore, when returning to their place of origin, these individuals have to re-adapt to the social life of the area [38,69]. On the other hand, numerous alterations in various facets of life may have transpired in the place of origin during the period of outmigration [70]. As a consequence, migrants returning home encountered challenges in adapting to changes in social dynamics since the current reality often diverged from those before they left the place of origin.

The sociocultural adaptation of migrants in their place of origin is influenced by various factors [34,53]. The factors are personality, life satisfaction concerning migration, the discrepancy between pre-migration expectations and post-return reality, views on discrimination, ethnic identity, and demographic variables. Migrants who were unsuccessful in re-adapting to the current situation of their origin country often preferred to re-migrate to their previous destinations [34].

Many studies on migrants’ adaptation are related to international migration; however, the results can also be extrapolated to internal migration. The assertion is supported by a study on the integration of internal migrants in urban China, which shows similar influencing factors as observed in international migration [40]. The factors are ethnic identity, employment status, and living conditions in areas where they previously lived. Factors influencing social adaptation can similarly apply to older adult return migrants in their place of origin. [39] pointed out that the presence of social groups and individual participation in various activities were important in determining the success of immigrant adaptation in the destination area.

[62] suggested four strategies in his acculturation model: assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. Assimilation refers to individuals who do not desire to maintain their home culture and seek interaction with the new culture. Individuals who retain their home culture and avoid interaction with the host culture are referred to as separatists. Integration is characterized by individuals who maintain both their home and new cultures. Furthermore, marginalization is characterized by individuals who have little intention of maintaining their homes and new cultures. [28] argued that Berry’s model is more appropriate for individuals who move from a particular culture to a destination area. A more suitable acculturation strategy for return migrants is Sussman’s model [28]. In the model referring to the repatriation of sojourners, [26] suggested four strategies of repatriation that could be considered for return migrants: subtractive, additive, affirmative, and intercultural. The subtractive strategy is described as one that intends to interact with other return migrants. The additive strategy is categorized as return migrants who seek relationships with community members from the previous host country. The affirmative strategy refers to maintaining and strengthening home culture during migration while ignoring the differences between home and new cultures. Finally, intercultural refers to holding and managing both the home and new cultures simultaneously.

The acculturation model proposed by [26] is based on cross-country migration but can be applied to internal movement, especially between regions with culturally different ethnicities, such as Indonesia. This study refers to Sussman’s acculturation model in analysing the adaptation strategies of older people who return to their home areas after retirement. Referring to [64] and [65], adaptation in this study is a socio-cultural adaptation, denoting the strategies of retired older adult migrants in managing their daily lives to “fit in” with the society in their area of origin, namely the Yogyakarta Special Region.

3 Materials and methods

4 Results

4.1 Participants’ social demographic and economic characteristics

This study involved 27 older adults, comprising 19 men and 8 women, who had returned to DIY to reside permanently following retirement. Participants ranged in age from 60 to 72 years. Of the total sample, 24 were married, two were widowed, and one female participant was single. Most married participants lived solely with their spouses, without co-resident children. Most participants were not residing in the same location they had lived in prior to their initial migration from DIY.

The participants’ last places of residence before moving to DIY were scattered across Indonesia. One participant’s last place of residence was Dhahran, a city in Saudi Arabia. More than half of the participants had experienced repeat migration prior to returning to their place of origin. Notably, eight out of the 27 participants had migrated three or more times. During their migration period, participants maintained regular visits to DIY, regardless of the distance from their place of residence. Most participants returned to the province at least once a year, with some making multiple visits annually. These recurring visits facilitated the maintenance of social ties in their place of origin while enabling continued engagement with social networks in their destination communities. The demographic and socio-economic characteristics are detailed in the Table 1.

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Table 1. Socio-demographic characteristics of the participants.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0328038.t001

5 Discussion and conclusion

Migration led to a change of residence and a corresponding alteration in the social environment. Therefore, migrants were required to acclimate to the social dynamics of the new area. Return migrants were subjected to an adaptation process for readjusting to social life in the area. This adaptation was necessary due to alterations in values resulting from migration experiences and potential changes in the social dynamics of the area of origin.

As expressed in the statements, retired older adult return migrants who participated in this study experienced a smooth adaptation process in adjusting to the social environment after returning to DIY during the retirement phase. The ease of adaptation can be attributed to a continued embrace and practice of Javanese cultural values, which serve as a guide for navigating social life and integrating into the community in their original area. The participants remained deeply ingrained with Javanese cultural values despite living outside DIY for extended periods of 20–40 years. The Javanese cultural values of gotong royong (helping one another as community members), grapyak semanak (friendly and easy to get along with others), lembah manah (humble), ewuh pakewuh (respect the feelings of others), and tepo seliro (tolerance) persisted strongly among retired older adult return migrants. This inherent adherence to Javanese cultural values significantly aided the migrant in navigating the adaptation process with greater ease.

The participants shed socio-economic attributes acquired in place of residence before moving back to DIY is a form of commitment to the Javanese cultural value of lembah manah (humility), while abstaining from flaunting socio-economic standing. This is an endeavor to stay humble and fit in with the people in the neighbourhood. This aligns with the social principles of neighbourhood life and group membership in Javanese society, which emphasize maintaining conformity with others and avoiding the attainment of individual prominence within the group [75,83].

The use of Javanese language appropriate to interlocutors is a commitment to the Javanese cultural values of ewuh pakewuh or pangerten, meaning respect the feelings of others and andhap ashor (respect others who are older or superior). This practice plays an important role in conducting social interactions in the DIY region. Expressions of mutual respect are also manifested in other forms, including accepting others with all their conditions. The participants’ acceptance of the attitudes of the young generation who are different from the previous generation is a manifestation of tepo seliro, a value in Javanese culture signifying tolerance and understanding towards others. The ability to accept the attitudes of the younger people can be shown by recognizing differences and coexisting harmoniously in society.

The result of the study aligns with research on international migrants’ adaptation in their destination countries, where language proficiency has been identified as a crucial factor supporting the adaptation process [37,49]. The significance of language acquisition in the adaptation process was also highlighted by [30] in a study examining the experiences of French international students at Thai universities. Unlike these studies, which investigate migration to locations with distinct linguistic environments, the present study on retired older adults concentrates on the adaptation of return migrants interacting with residents who share the same native language. Proficiency in using various levels of the Javanese language appropriately may be analogous to fluency in a foreign language in other studies [30,37,49]. Hence, the ability to navigate linguistic nuances in the shared language becomes a significant factor in the adaptation process for retired older adult return migrants.

In terms of participation in community activities, this study shows a similar phenomenon to a study conducted by [84] in the United Kingdom. The study on pre-retirement age migration to three rural areas in the country reported that migrant household heads engaged in both social and special interest activities, with the highest levels of participation observed among the migrant population. Participating in the social and religious groups in the community enables migrants to engage with others [39]. This inclusion develops a sense of belonging in the groups to promote mutual acceptance and a smoother adaptation process for migrants.

Indonesia comprises more than thirty provinces inhabited by ethnically diverse populations with distinct cultural values, some of which are shared across ethnic groups. The shared values facilitate intercultural adaptation, particularly in migration destination areas. This adaptation process is exemplified by the Minangkabau people, a major ethnic group originating from West Sumatra Province. Minangkabau migrants often integrate cultural principles into the social fabric of new communities in entirely unfamiliar destinations or after returning to their place of origin. An example of the principle is embodied in the Minangkabau proverb Aia urang disauak, rantiang urang dipatah, adaik urang dituruik, which translates roughly as “follow the customs of the place you go”. This philosophy emphasizes the importance of humility and culturally appropriate behavior, promoting migrants’ conformity to local norms [85].

Other Minangkabau cultural values, such as timbang raso (tolerance) and sifat kesayangan (affectionate or loving traits), emphasize the importance of respecting others through courteous or polite communication [86]. Research on the adaptation of Minangkabau migrant students in Jakarta reported that communication style was adjusted in line with local norms to promote greater social closeness and acceptance [87]. These cultural values play a crucial role in facilitating migrants’ adaptation to the social environment in the destination communities when manifested in attitudes and behaviours during social interactions.

The adaptation of the Bugis migrants, an ethnic group in South Sulawesi Province, is strongly influenced by the cultural values. An example of these values is sipakatau, which emphasizes mutual respect and the recognition of shared humanity [88]. Individuals are expected to appreciate, respect, and care for others regardless of social, cultural, or ethnic background by adhering to sipakatau [89]. In the context of migration, this value plays a significant role in guiding interpersonal interaction within destination communities, facilitating smoother social adaptation for Bugis migrants.

Based on [26]’s model of acculturation, the retired older adult return migrants in this study adopted affirmative and intercultural strategies upon returning to their place of origin. Both strategies show the participants’ eagerness to maintain the culture of origin while living outside DIY during the migration period. The participants maintain their home culture by paying regular visits to family and relatives living in DIY. Participants who were not born in DIY and had no relatives residing in the area made repeated visits during holidays. They also maintained cultural ties to their former migration destinations outside DIY by keeping in contact with long-standing friends from those regions.

The two strategies support the retired elderly in adaptation and prevent them from distress while living back in their original area. Therefore, these migrants expressed contentment and a desire to remain in the area with no intention of migrating again. These findings contrast with [34] in which some older adult return migrants to Turkey preferred to return to their previous countries of residence.

The older adult participants represented diverse socio-demographic and economic backgrounds, but the adaptation strategies were remarkably similar. This uniformity is primarily attributed to adherence to Javanese cultural values maintained despite having left the place of origin long ago. These values are deeply embedded in the social fabric of Yogyakarta and are embraced by residents regardless of their socio-demographic or economic status. Furthermore, individuals who are not ethnically Javanese but have previously lived in the Special Region of Yogyakarta tend to adopt these cultural norms. These shared norms facilitate social adaptation among retired older adult returnees.

6 Policy recommendation

Indonesia is experiencing a demographic transition marked by population aging, with some provinces meeting the criteria for an aging population. The older adult population residing in the provinces consists of both individuals aging in place and older adult migrants who have relocated with the intention of spending their later years in the regions. A province receiving a significant number of older adult migrants is the Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY).

Continued return of older adult retirees to DIY influences the local government in designing programs for the population, particularly basic services for older people. DIY has 16.6% of persons 60 years and older, the highest among other provinces in Indonesia [90]. This percentage comprises non-migrant and migrant individuals, including those who returned to DIY after retirement. Since DIY is considered a favourable place to spend later years, the percentage of older adults increases more rapidly than in other provinces. This inference is drawn from the findings of this study, where retired older adult return migrants feel at home in the province with no desire to relocate.

Other provinces serving as destinations for retired older adults may encounter similar challenges. However, these may be less pronounced than those faced by the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY). As the trend of return migration among retired older adults continues [15,19–22], many provinces with historically high rates of outmigration may experience an influx of this demographic. Therefore, local governments will bear increased responsibility for addressing the needs of older adults who have aged in place and returned to their home provinces after retirement.

Older adults require special attention due to declining physical abilities and age-related health conditions. The number of older individuals is directly proportional to the demand for services provided. Therefore, the local government of the Special Region of Yogyakarta offers more services related to older adults compared to other regions. The DIY government must ensure the availability of adequate health services and infrastructure to support the needs of the ageing population. In addition, the local governments should be able to increase community participation to meet the needs of this population. Healthy and physically capable older adults can serve as drivers of community activities. The individuals can actively participate in various activities suitable for their conditions regularly, when organized in groups, such as exercise and recreational activities. This proactive inclusion contributes to reducing the government’s burden in meeting the needs of the demographic group.

Apart from providing essential services for older adults, local governments, in collaboration with community members, are also responsible for preserving Javanese cultural values, particularly among younger generations. Technological advancements, such as the widespread availability of internet connectivity in various forms, have significantly influenced societal values, attitudes, and behaviours. Increased engagement in online communication, especially among youth, has contributed to a decline in face-to-face interactions. Moreover, the nature of internet-based communication often differs from traditional modes of interaction and may be perceived by older individuals as impolite or disrespectful [91]. A significant challenge of online communication is its potential to reduce social interaction [92], which can consequently impact interpersonal behaviour. Specifically, the absence of face-to-face contact complicates the demonstration of respect, particularly in interactions with older adults. This difficulty may hinder older people’s adaptation to contemporary social dynamics, especially concerning younger generations accustomed to digital communication.