Psychological richness, as a distinct dimension of well-being

Psychological richness offers a distinct pathway to well-being, separating it from the pleasure-oriented hedonic and purpose-driven eudaimonic perspectives. While hedonic well-being emphasizes pleasure and positive affect, and eudaimonic well-being focuses on purpose and self-realization, psychological richness values the accumulation of diverse, intellectually stimulating experiences characterized by novelty, adventure, and cognitive engagement (e.g., [10,13–15]).

Research suggests that psychological richness is associated with personality traits and behaviors that differ significantly from those linked to other well-being dimensions. For instance, while hedonic and eudaimonic well-being are often correlated with more conservative traits—such as political conservatism and a preference for social order and maintaining the status quo—psychological richness aligns with openness to experience, political liberalism, and proactive acceptance of social change [10,15]. Individuals high in psychological richness frequently experience a mix of positive and negative emotions, such as the simultaneous presence of job satisfaction and post-work fatigue in professional settings [14]. Unlike those with high hedonic or eudaimonic well-being, who often seek to avoid loneliness, individuals with high psychological richness embrace solitude, perceiving it as a meaningful opportunity for self-reflection and growth [16].

Given these unique characteristics, psychological richness likely impacts health outcomes in ways distinct from hedonic or eudaimonic well-being, which prior research has consistently shown to positively affect health outcomes [17,18]. This dimension encompasses traits and behaviors that include positive and challenging aspects [11,14], underscoring its duality as a source of unique benefits and stressors. These experiences may foster resilience and cognitive flexibility, potentially influencing mental, social, and physical health outcomes in distinctive ways.

Health outcomes and well-being dimensions

Health encompasses physical, mental, and social dimensions, which are crucial for understanding the unique impacts of psychological richness (e.g., [19,20]). Extensive research has established positive associations between hedonic and eudaimonic well-being and these dimensions. For instance, hedonic well-being, with its focus on life satisfaction and positive affect, is linked to lower mortality rates, reduced chronic illness, improved mental health resilience, and enhanced perceived social support [17,21,22]. Similarly, eudaimonic well-being, which emphasizes meaning and purpose, has been associated with reduced chronic pain and depressive symptoms, improved health behaviors, lower stress levels, enhanced social engagement, and the maintenance of strong social networks [18,23–25].

Despite the well-documented health benefits of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, the potential health impacts of psychological richness remain largely unexplored. A psychologically rich lifestyle, characterized by diverse and stimulating experiences, may foster cognitive benefits such as adaptability and intellectual growth. However, its emphasis on complexity and novelty could also introduce stressors, potentially resulting in unique health implications.

If psychological richness demonstrates distinct health associations compared to other well-being dimensions, this will reinforce its role as an essential and unique component of well-being. Exploring these dynamics not only broadens our conceptual understanding of well-being but also uncovers new pathways to health that align with the demands of an increasingly complex and rapidly changing world.

Research purpose and predictions

The present study investigates the unique contributions of psychological richness to mental, social, and physical health outcomes alongside the traditional dimensions of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. In alignment with the framework proposed [13] we assessed well-being using three established scales: Satisfaction With Life Scale (hedonic), Meaning in Life Questionnaire (eudaimonic), and psychological richness. Although the Satisfaction With Life Scale and the Meaning in Life Questionnaire do not comprehensively capture the full spectrum of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, respectively (e.g., [26–28]), they were selected in the present study for consistency with previous research by Oishi and colleagues [14,15], who also used these measures to delineate psychological richness from the two established well-being constructs. Therefore, while acknowledging the conceptual limitations, we prioritized comparability with the literature on psychological richness.

These indicators were then used to predict mental, social, and physical health outcomes, assessed through the Subjective Well-being Inventory (SUBI; [29,30]). This study seeks to advance understanding of well-being by exploring how psychological richness uniquely interacts with mental, social, and physical health. By addressing an underexplored area in well-being research, the study provides insights that may refine existing models to more comprehensively capture the diverse range of fulfilling life experiences. Furthermore, understanding the relationship between psychological richness and health outcomes can inform the development of new intervention strategies to enhance well-being. Specifically, these interventions could emphasize experiences that foster adaptability, cognitive growth, and meaningful social engagement.

Given the exploratory nature of this study, the following predictions are proposed based on the distinct characteristics of psychological richness:

1. Mental Health: Individuals with higher psychological richness may experience cognitive resilience and adaptability due to exposure to diverse perspectives [13]. However, their openness to challenges and complex situations (e.g., [11]) may also lead to increased stress and anxiety. Accordingly, while psychological richness is fundamentally associated with positive mental health outcomes, it may also correlate with some negative aspects.
2. Social Health: Psychological richness, characterized by robust openness and curiosity [14], may positively influence social health by encouraging the pursuit of novel social interactions. However, individuals with high psychological richness may also prefer solitude [16], potentially leading to increased social isolation. Thus, psychological richness may contribute to positive and negative social health outcomes.
3. Physical Health: Hedonic and eudaimonic well-being are strongly associated with physical health benefits, and psychological richness may similarly foster positive effects. However, the unique, stimulating experiences valued by individuals with high psychological richness are also linked to stress, fatigue, and negative emotions [11,14]. Consequently, psychological richness may instead have a detrimental impact on physical health outcomes.

Participants

A total of 11,041 Japanese-speaking participants residing in Japan were recruited through an online panel. Participants self-reported demographic information including gender, marital status, and income. Detailed participant characteristics are presented in Table 1.

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Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Sample Population.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0326528.t001

Procedure

Participants were recruited through Bulk Inc. (currently known as MSS Inc.), a commercial online research company in Japan that maintains a large, nationally representative panel of registered monitors. Invitations to participate in the survey were distributed based on age and gender stratification criteria to ensure demographic balance. Participants were informed about the study’s purpose and provided online informed consent before beginning the survey. All participants received compensation in the form of reward points upon completing the survey. The exact monetary value of the points varies depending on the platform through which each participant is registered, and this information is not disclosed to or managed by the research company.

The survey was administered by the research company, and we had access only to anonymized response data. In accordance with institutional policy at the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST), ethics approval was not required because no personally identifiable information was collected. This was confirmed by the AIST ethics committee, which issued a formal waiver. All procedures complied with relevant ethical standards, including the Act on the Protection of Personal Information and the JIS Q 15001 (Personal Information Protection Management Systems). Participants were fully informed of their right to withdraw at any time without consequence, as part of the procedures conducted by the research company. The present study shared data with a previous study [31] by our research group.

Measures

The following scales were included in the survey conducted by the research company. We had access only to the anonymized responses and did not directly administer the questionnaires. Internal consistency for each scale is reported using Cronbach’s alpha (α).

Subjective Well-Being Inventory (SUBI).

We used the 40-item Subjective Well-Being Inventory (SUBI; [29]) to assess subjective well-being across physical, social, and mental health dimensions. The SUBI includes six subscales assessing mental health: general well-being for positive affect (3 items, α = .78), general well-being for negative affect (3 items, α = .68), inadequate mental mastery (7 items, α = .86), transcendence (3 items, α = .66), confidence in coping (3 items, α = .74), and expectation-achievement congruence (3 items, α = .59). We evaluated social health using four subscales: family group support (3 items, α = .76), social support (3 items, α = .82), primary group concern (3 items, α = .37), and deficiency in social contacts (3 items, α = .56). It is essential to note that the primary group concern subscale was administered only to participants with children or spouses, which resulted in a subset of 7,777 participants from the total sample of 11,041. Although some subscales (e.g., Primary Group Concern: α = .37; Deficiency in Social Contact: α = .56) demonstrated relatively low internal consistency, we retained them given their conceptual relevance and prior validation in Japanese samples [32]. Interpretations involving these subscales should be treated with caution due to limited reliability. We assessed physical health using the perceived ill-health subscale, consisting of 6 items (α = .74). Each item was rated on a 3-point Likert scale: 1 (Disagree), 2 (Neither agree nor disagree), and 3 (Agree). Examples of scale items are provided in Table 2. The validated Japanese version of the SUBI, which was adapted to enhance reliability and cultural relevance, was used in this study [32].

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Table 2. Subjective Well-Being Inventory Subscales and Sample Items.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0326528.t002

Data analysis

Data were analyzed using structural equation modeling (SEM) with the lavaan package [37] in R (Version 3.6.3; [38]). We chose SEM to model the relationships among well-being dimensions—life satisfaction, meaning in life, and psychological richness—as predictor variables for subjective health outcomes, including mental, social, and physical health. Model fit was evaluated using the Comparative Fit Index (CFI), Root Mean Square Error of Approximation (RMSEA), and the Standardized Root Mean Square Residual (SRMR). We considered CFI values ≥ .95, RMSEA values ≤ .06, and SRMR values ≤ .08 as indicative of good model fit [39]. To assess potential multicollinearity among these covariates, we conducted an auxiliary linear regression analysis. The variance inflation factors (VIFs) ranged from 1.16 to 1.50, indicating no substantial multicollinearity. We employed structural equation modeling (SEM) rather than conducting multiple separate regression analyses because SEM allows for simultaneous estimation of associations between multiple predictors and correlated outcome variables. This approach minimizes the risk of inflated Type I error due to multiple testing and accounts for shared variance among outcome domains. All covariates (Age, Gender, Marital Status, Income) were entered at the manifest level. A path diagram illustrating the model structure is provided in the Supporting Information (S3 Fig). Prior to SEM, we computed descriptive statistics and Pearson correlation coefficients for all key variables. These results are presented in the Supporting Information (S1 and S2 Tables).

Demographic variables such as age, gender, marital status, and income were included as covariates to control for their potential influence on the relationships between well-being and health outcomes.

Mental health

The results indicate that positive affect was positively associated with all three dimensions of well-being. Psychological richness showed the strongest association (β = 0.161, p < .001), followed by life satisfaction (β = 0.130, p < .001) and meaning in life (β = 0.066, p < .001). In contrast, negative affect was negatively associated with all three dimensions of well-being, with life satisfaction showing the strongest negative association (β = –0.116, p < .001), followed by meaning in life (β = –0.063, p < .001) and psychological richness (β = –0.060, p < .001).

Moreover, insufficient mental mastery, a marker of anxiety and tension, was negatively associated with life satisfaction (β = –0.061, p < .001) and meaning in life (β = –0.049, p < .001). However, psychological richness showed a marginally significant relationships (β = –0.014, p = .055). Furthermore, transcendence was positively associated with all three well-being dimensions, with psychological richness again showing the strongest association (β = 0.126, p < .001), followed by meaning in life (β = 0.103, p < .001) and life satisfaction (β = 0.047, p < .001). Additionally, confidence in coping exhibited the strongest positive association with psychological richness (β = 0.162, p < .001), suggesting its potential role in fostering resilience. Meaning in life (β = 0.077, p < .001) and life satisfaction (β = 0.029, p < .001) also demonstrated positive associations. Finally, expectation-achievement congruence, reflecting a sense of accomplishment, was positively associated with all three dimensions of well-being. Psychological richness exhibited the most robust relationship (β = 0.107, p < .001), followed by meaning in life (β = 0.067, p < .001) and life satisfaction (β = 0.048, p < .001).

Social health

For social health indicators, family group and social support were positively associated with all three well-being dimensions. Among these, psychological richness demonstrated significant positive associations with family group support (β = 0.096, p < .001) and social support (β = 0.105, p < .001). Life satisfaction also showed positive associations with family group support (β = 0.076, p < .001) and social support (β = 0.060, p < .001), as did meaning in life, though with smaller coefficients (family group support: β = 0.047, p < .001; social support: β = 0.052, p < .001).

Distinct patterns emerged for primary group concern and deficiency in social contact. Life satisfaction was negatively associated with both primary group concern (β = –0.063, p < .001) and deficiency in social contact (β = –0.052, p < .001), suggesting that individuals with higher life satisfaction experience fewer relationship concerns and less desire for additional social contact.

In contrast, meaning in life (primary group concern: β = 0.017, p = .027; deficiency in social contact: β = 0.006, p = .008) and psychological richness (primary group concern: β = 0.034, p < .001; deficiency in social contact: β = 0.053, p < .001) were positively associated with these indicators. These results suggest that individuals with higher levels of psychological richness or meaning in life may experience greater social isolation or family-related problems.

Physical health

For physical health, perceived ill-health was negatively associated with both life satisfaction (β = –0.062, p < .001) and meaning in life (β = –0.017, p = .006), indicating that individuals with higher levels of these well-being dimensions reported fewer physical complaints. In contrast, psychological richness exhibited a unique positive association with perceived ill health (β = 0.019, p = .003). This result suggests that individuals high in psychological richness may report more physical symptoms, potentially reflecting the complex and challenging nature of experiences associated with this dimension of well-being.

Mental health and well-being dimensions

Consistent with previous research (e.g., [21,23]), the findings indicate that life satisfaction and meaning in life are closely linked to mental health, mainly through their association with reduced negative affect and inadequate mental mastery, indicating anxiety and tension. This finding suggests that managing negative emotions significantly influences traditional forms of well-being, especially hedonic well-being. In contrast, psychological richness shows stronger correlations with indicators like coping confidence, achievement, and positive emotions than other dimensions of well-being.

These stronger associations may stem from the unique life experiences and perspectives associated with higher psychological richness, which enhance individuals’ ability to cope and foster a stronger sense of self-assurance. Specifically, individuals high in psychological richness likely develop confidence through the accumulation of diverse experiences and insights, providing them with the skills and resilience needed to navigate various challenges. Interestingly, in contrast to earlier studies suggesting robust links to heightened negative emotional states (e.g., [11,13], psychological richness displayed only a slight negative correlation with negative affect in the current study. Similarly, a negative relationship with inadequate mental mastery was observed, although it remained a marginal trend.

Although our study, like previous ones, assessed only average levels of negative affect, a possible explanation for this discrepancy is that individuals high in psychological richness may interpret negative experiences as situational rather than enduring. This interpretation remains speculative, but the generally weak association suggests that such individuals do not experience prolonged negative emotions, despite encountering challenging events. Instead, they may perceive such emotions as temporary and context-dependent, contributing to an overall positive emotional state. This highlights the importance of situational framing in understanding the psychological consequences of psychological richness and suggests that interventions could be more effective if they leverage the adaptive coping strategies and resilience commonly associated with this form of well-being.

Social health and well-being dimensions

Life satisfaction and meaning in life in the current study exhibited positive associations with family and social support, consistent with prior research [22,25]. However, these dimensions of well-being diverged in their relationships with social isolation and family-related concerns. Life satisfaction was negatively associated with social isolation and family-related concerns, suggesting that it fosters close ties and stability in family relationships. In contrast, meaning in life showed weaker positive associations with these factors, suggesting a more ambiguous impact of meaning in life on social isolation and family-related concerns. This suggests that individuals seeking meaning in life may tolerate or even embrace certain difficulties, such as solitude or concerns with family, as part of their broader pursuit of purpose and personal growth.

Interestingly, unlike life satisfaction, psychological richness exhibited a similar yet stronger pattern to meaning in life. Psychological richness was strongly and positively associated with family and social support more than life satisfaction or meaning in life. However, it was also positively related to social isolation and family-related concerns. This finding suggests that individuals high in psychological richness value social connections but seek solitude as an opportunity for self-reflection and perspective-taking. The acceptance of social isolation and family-related concerns in the context of meaning in life is often attributed, at least partially, to the pursuit of purpose and personal growth. In contrast, psychological richness may transcend mere acceptance by framing these challenges as valuable opportunities for gaining new perspectives and enhancing the diversity of one’s experiences [13,16]. For example, social isolation can provide a context for self-reflection and perspective transformation, while family-related challenges may foster deeper relationships and directly contribute to the breadth of experiences integral to psychological richness.

Furthermore, individuals high in psychological richness may actively seek new social connections to fulfill their desire for novel and diverse experiences. Even with supportive relationships, they may feel isolated if familiar friendships lack sufficient stimulation. The ongoing pursuit of novelty might foster social loneliness, even with adequate support. Smith et al. noted that individuals with high psychological richness appreciate solitude, which may reflect their ongoing search for stimulating and meaningful relationships [16]. Thus, they may experience a unique form of social loneliness shaped by the limitations of existing relationships to meet their need for novelty.

Additionally, a degree of family-related challenges may enhance psychological richness by broadening perspectives and deepening life experiences. Individuals high in psychological richness may gravitate toward family and friends who offer social support, as their inclination to seek challenging experiences fosters deeper connections. However, their pursuit of diverse experiences may inadvertently increase family-related worries or concerns. This nuanced interplay between psychological richness, social support, and family-related challenges warrants further investigation to understand its complexities and implications better.

In conclusion, psychological richness overlaps with aspects of meaning in life but is distinguished by its unique emphasis on the “ability and willingness to perceive experiences in diverse and profound ways.” This perspective could be reframed social isolation and family-related concerns as enriching factors that contribute to psychological richness rather than viewing them as solely burdensome. Future research should investigate the mechanisms through which psychological richness is shaped by, and in turn shapes, these experience, thereby providing further insight into its role within the broader framework of well-being.

Physical health and well-being dimensions

Life satisfaction and meaning in life were associated with having fewer physical symptoms, reflecting their association with conventional health-supportive behaviors (e.g., [17,40]). In contrast, psychological richness showed a slight positive association with perceived ill health, suggesting that individuals high in psychological richness report more physical symptoms. A potential explanation for this finding lies in the inherent trade-offs associated with pursuing psychologically rich experiences. Individuals who seek novelty and cognitive engagement often place themselves in challenging situations that demand significant adaptability and resilience. These experiences, while enriching, can lead to heightened stress and fatigue, which may contribute to physical health costs. Unlike people who prioritize life satisfaction or meaning in life—who are more likely to adhere to conventional health-supportive routines—those with high psychological richness may prioritize novelty and engagement over stability. For example, their irregular sleep patterns or spontaneous travel may inadvertently increase physical health risks.

Exploring the link between psychological richness and specific health behaviors (e.g., sleep, exercise, diet) clarifies how lifestyle factors mediate its relationship with physical health. Given the correlational nature of this study, it is also essential to consider the possibility of a reverse causal relationship. Specifically, physical discomfort may result from diverse life experiences and, in turn, contribute to increased psychological richness by broadening perspectives and understanding of life. Therefore, longitudinal research is needed to establish the directionality of this relationship more definitively.

Unique relationship between psychological richness and well-being

The findings of this study highlight a critical distinction between life satisfaction and psychological richness in their associations with health outcomes. Individuals with high life satisfaction reported minimal family concerns, robust physical health, and fulfilling social connections, collectively suggesting a stable and harmonious lifestyle that aligns well with conventional health indicators. In contrast, individuals high in psychological richness exhibited a unique profile characterized by a greater likelihood of experiencing family-related concerns, poorer physical health, and social isolation. These findings suggest that psychological richness, unlike life satisfaction, is not necessarily associated with positive health outcomes in the traditional sense. It is widely recognized that individuals who face family worries, long for closer friendships, or experience physical health challenges are often considered “unfortunate.” However, psychological richness may not conform to the conventional notion of the “good life” while fostering a positive outlook and comparable positive emotional states. Notably, despite encountering numerous difficulties and challenges, individuals high in psychological richness exhibited only a slight association with feelings of disappointment, suggesting that they are less likely to perceive life as deeply unsatisfactory. Furthermore, individuals with high psychological richness tended to experience a stronger sense of achievement and confidence in coping with life’s difficulties. This experience may reflect their propensity to pursue challenges [14], providing them with more opportunities to build resilience and develop confidence through successful coping experiences. These insights underscore that psychological richness offers a unique and complex path to well-being. Psychological richness is marked by resilience and personal growth through adversity unlike the stability-focused health benefits associated with life satisfaction and meaning in life.

Limitations

This study provides valuable insights into the health implications of psychological richness. However, we acknowledge several limitations of the study. First, while the present study adopted the Satisfaction With Life Scale and the Meaning in Life Questionnaire to ensure comparability with prior research on psychological richness, it is important to note that these measures do not encompass the full conceptual scope of hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. The SWLS captures global life satisfaction but does not account for momentary positive and negative affect [1,41], while the MLQ primarily assesses the perceived presence and search for meaning but does not cover broader aspects of human potential and self-actualization as discussed [26]. Therefore, the associations found between psychological richness and the other two well-being constructs should be interpreted with these measurement limitations in mind. Future research would benefit from incorporating broader measures—such as the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule [27] for hedonic well-being and multidimensional assessments of eudaimonia—to more comprehensively map the relationships among well-being constructs [28]. Second, the correlational design of the study restricts the ability to infer causality. Future studies should consider employing longitudinal or experimental designs to understand better the causal pathways underlying the relationships between psychological richness and health outcomes. Third, the cultural context of the sample may limit the generalizability of these findings to other populations, as the participants in this study were exclusively Japanese. Future research should examine potential mediators (e.g., stress regulation mechanisms) and moderators (e.g., cultural and personality differences) to clarify how psychological richness influences health. Such efforts would help determine whether these findings hold across diverse cultural and demographic contexts. Third, the health measures in this study relied exclusively on subjective indicators without incorporating objective health markers. Future research should aim to include objective assessments, such as clinical diagnoses, biological markers of stress or immunity, and physiological indicators, to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the relationship between psychological richness and health outcomes.

Despite these limitations, this study has a notable strength: it employed a large, nationally representative sample of over 11,000 participants, which enhances the generalizability and statistical reliability of the findings. At the same time, the broad age range of participants (18–89 years) may have introduced heterogeneity in health and well-being perceptions. Future studies should explore age-specific trends or conduct stratified analyses to assess potential developmental differences.