Engaging men to prevent violence against women and girls

Over the past decade the importance of engaging men and boys in efforts to prevent and reduce violence against women and girls (VAWG) has been well-established, with ‘engaging men’ increasingly included as a component in violence prevention programmes and campaigns around the world [1–3]. These efforts range from delivering interventions exclusively to men, to those involving both men and women, as well as implementing programming at the community in addition to at the individual level [4].

Despite the increasing focus of involving men and boys in VAWG prevention efforts, concerns have been raised, particularly within activist circles, that such efforts may inadvertently reinforce men’s hegemony over women by directing resources and attention away from women-centred programmes [1,5]. Another concern is that the content of these programmes may further encourage men to view women primarily in relational roles – such as wives, mothers and daughters – rather than as individuals in their own right [5]. Others have also questioned the ability of programmes to actually change men’s behaviours.

Evaluations of interventions aimed at engaging men to prevent VAWG have shown that whilst men’s attitudes may change, structural barriers often prevent these changes from translating into behavioural change [1,3,4]. Factors such as poverty, racism and migration status can constrain men’s sustained engagement in violence prevention, especially when programmes require disadvantaged men to critically evaluate their own power and privilege over others [1]. Similarly, whilst men may support the message of gender equality-based work, their willingness to undermine patriarchy by mobilising other men and advocating for wider change is often limited [6,7].

These concerns are valid, and it is important to recognise the potential for well-intentioned programmes to cause harm. This does not mean, however, that efforts to engage men and boys should be abandoned. For instance, a 2021 brief from the Sexual Violence Research Initiative, one of the leading dissemination networks in the field, emphasizes that “while women must remain at the centre of and lead efforts to prevent the violence against them, men must join the movement as allies”, through accountable, sustainable and effective interventions [8]. Indeed, evidence shows that gender-transformative programmes– those seeking to transform gender roles rather than ignore or accommodate them – are effective in improving health outcomes, including the prevention of VAWG [4,9].

Most research on engaging men in VAWG efforts has focused on men as sexual partners, such as engaging men in couples in intimate partner violence (IPV) prevention programmes (e.g. [10]). However, a growing body of research suggests encouraging men to embrace their role as caregivers can significantly improve outcomes for their children, their partners and themselves. A recent review of father-inclusive interventions on parental, couple and early childhood outcomes saw both an improvement in child outcomes, such as nutrition and language development, and improvements in parental and wider family relationship dynamics [11]. Evidence also suggests that this goes beyond early childhood outcomes – the more quality time fathers spend with their adolescent children, the lower their chances of engaging in unprotected sex, and the lower their number of sexual partners [12]. Furthermore, connectedness between fathers and their adolescent daughters can decrease risky behaviour, including criminal behaviour and using alcohol and/or drugs [13–16].

Additionally, research has found that engaging men as fathers can reduce physical and sexual violence against their partners, and physical punishment of children [17], including in Tanzania [18]. Parenting programmes have also been linked to improved parental mental health, which in turn contributes to reductions in violence and maltreatment of children and strengthened parent-child relationships [19]. Thus, fatherhood represents a crucial opportunity for intervention. Moreover, a recent meta-analysis of 27 randomised controlled trials found that interventions were equally effective at reducing IPV when targeting communities, women only, men only or couples [20], suggesting the need for programming targeting each group.

Engaging fathers in parenting programmes, however, is challenging, as highlighted by low participation rates worldwide [21,22]. Historically, this was thought to be due to men’s lack of interest in caregiving [23], but evidence now points to structural, financial and norm-based barriers limiting their engagement [24]. For example, workplaces around the world offer men less flexible parental leave than women, making it harder for men to take time off for caregiving [25]. Where parental leave is available for men, it is often unpaid or paid at a lower rate than their usual work, which can make it financially unfeasible [25]. It can also be difficult for men who work long hours to travel long distances for programming [26]. This is compounded by societal norms that place caregiving responsibilities on women and financial provision on men – although there is evidence that these norms are gradually shifting [24]. Thus, programmes must be carefully designed with these challenges in mind to engage men effectively.

In Eastern Africa there has been some limited success in engaging men in parenting programmes, which provide valuable lessons. The ‘Parenting for Respectability’ programme in Uganda, for instance, actively included fathers by aligning its aims with their understandings of ‘good’ parenting – that is, raising well-behaved and respectful children [23]. While the programme achieved good engagement from fathers, social pressures to conform to conventional masculinities persisted after the intervention, highlighting the need for community-level programming as well. Moreover, there was evidence that fathers began to ‘police’ mothers and their behaviours towards their children, rather than working collaboratively and in a gender-equitable way, suggesting that joint, or family-wide interventions might be more effective than engaging fathers alone, and could promote men’s accountability towards women and girls [27].

The ‘REAL Fathers Initiative’ in northern Uganda is another example which aimed to reduce children’s exposure to violence, including witnessing IPV and experiencing maltreatment, through a 12-week mentoring programme and a community poster campaign [28]. Mentors modelled non-violent responses to children’s behaviours to improve fathers’ parenting skills. After engagement with the programme participants reported increased confidence using non-violent discipline methods and engaging in positive parenting behaviours such as reading with their child. The evaluation also found decreased levels of physical child punishment and both verbal and physical IPV at long-term follow-up. However, there was no significant effect on the gender norms underpinning IPV, likely due to the short intervention period, indicating the need for longer-term programming [28].

There have also been examples of successful parenting interventions in Tanzania. Recently, the ‘Parenting for Lifelong Health’ programme, which was adapted from the South African context, was found to be effective in reducing child maltreatment, IPV, and parent and child depression, as well as improving sexual health communication between parents and daughters, among other outcomes [23]. The programme was developed to address the underlying drivers of HIV among adolescent girls through a 14-session curricula which was delivered to over 75,000 parents and adolescent girls [23]. Over one-third of the parents included were men, suggesting there is a high demand for parenting programmes from male caregivers in Tanzania. To further scale-up this programme while reducing costs, the researchers developed a phone application to deliver the material to parents on mobile phones, which were distributed throughout communities in the Mwanza region [29]. This ‘ParentApp’ programme is currently being evaluated through a cluster-randomised controlled trial, which is expected to come to completion in 2025 [29]. Whilst these examples offer important insights into how to better engage fathers in parenting programming, most programmes have focused on early childhood outcomes. In particular, there has been a strong focus in programming on preventing violence against children as a primary outcome. While these programmes tend to utilise gender-transformative approaches, which also have the potential to impact many other outcomes, including age-disparate transactional sex, few interventions specifically target men as fathers of adolescent girls, or target male caregivers with the primary goal of improving their daughters’ sexual and reproductive health outcomes.

Age-disparate transactional sex

There is a disproportionately high incidence of HIV among adolescent girls and young women in sub-Saharan Africa, where according to a 2023 UNAIDS report, they account for 61% of those living with the virus [30]. This imbalance is partly attributed to age-disparate transactional sex, which heightens their risk of engaging in unprotected sex and experiencing sexual violence, due to the inherent power imbalances that underpin these relationships [31]. Adolescent girls and young women involved in such relationships are not only younger than their partners but also lack access to resources [32], limiting their ability to decline sex or negotiate condom use [33].

Transactional sex is defined as “non-commercial, non-marital sexual relationships motivated by the implicit assumption that sex will be exchanged for material support or other benefits” [34]. Unlike commercial sex work, transactional sex involves relationships where individuals often identify as boyfriends and girlfriends without explicit negotiations of ‘price’ or ‘services’ [35]. In the global literature, age-disparate transactional sex refers to transactional sex relationships involving girls under 18 years with partners at least a five-years older [36], though the age gap is typically larger [37].

Research on the role of men in age-disparate transactional sex and transactional sex more broadly is growing. This literature has primarily focused on the associated risks, such as HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, as well as men’s motivations for engaging in (age-disparate) transactional sex relationships [38–40], such as to fulfil the gender norms of male provision and heightened sexuality [34,38,41,42]. However, to the authors’ knowledge, no studies have examined the role of men caregivers in preventing their daughters from engaging in age-disparate transactional sex. This study begins to fill this gap.

The current study

This paper examines indications of change using qualitative data collected during a small-scale pilot evaluation of the Learning Initiative on Norms, Exploitation and Abuse (LINEA) radio drama intervention. The LINEA radio drama, co-created by the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (LSHTM), Amani Girls Organization (AGO) and Media for Development International Tanzania, was designed specifically for the Tanzanian context. It aims to shift the social norms that drive age-disparate transactional sex using an education-entertainment or ‘edutainment’ approach [43]. Exploratory evaluations were carried out in the Shinyanga and Kigoma regions of Tanzania in 2021 to assess indications of change of the radio drama (for further detail see [43–45]).

We selected Kishapu district in the Shinyanga region as the study site for several reasons, including ease of implementation and the prevalence of issues associated with age-disparate transactional sex. The choice was also influenced by a pre-existing relationship with the implementing partner organisation, the Tanganyika Christian Refugee Service (TCRS), which is based in the area. TCRS programming focuses primarily on building community resilience for climate change adaptation and mitigation and preventing gender-based violence. Shinyanga is a predominantly rural region where agriculture (crop cultivation and livestock rearing) is the main occupation [46]. It has higher than average rates of HIV [47] compared to the national average (4.4%) [48], and among the highest prevalence of IPV in the country [49], with estimates as high as 78% of ever-married women reporting experiencing violence in their lifetime [50]. The region also has the highest prevalence of child marriage in Tanzania, with estimates between 59–64% [50,51], and a recent study highlighting a culture of tolerance towards sexual violence among married adolescent girls [52]. However, research with caregivers and daughters has also shown strong support for parent-child connectedness as a strategy to prevent early sexual debut among adolescent girls [53].

This paper is part of a set of three focusing on these exploratory evaluations in the Shinyanga region with adolescent girls and men and women caregivers, ahead of the trial evaluating LINEA taking place in 2023–2025 in Mwanza region. The initial papers by Pichon et al. [44] and Pichon & Buller et al. [45] present findings on the impact of the LINEA drama on participants. The first focuses on changes in participants’ knowledge, attitudes, beliefs and social norms linked to age-disparate transactional sex [44]; While the second paper examines changes in participants’ educational aspirations and gender equitable attitudes towards work [45]. Findings from the study conducted in Kigoma region, where the radio drama was broadcast on a local radio station rather than given to participants on a flash drive, are presented in another paper by Howard-Merrill & Pichon et al. [54]. The current paper contributes to this body of research by further examining qualitative data from Kishapu district, Shinyanga region. In this paper we specifically explore men’s perspectives in more depth to better understand the mechanisms of their engagement with the radio drama, providing practical lessons for future programming targeting fathers and men caregivers more generally. Furthermore, by investigating indications of change in men caregivers attributed to the LINEA drama, this paper provides nuanced insights into men’s roles in age-disparate transactional sex, going beyond seeing men solely as perpetrators, and exploring their potential to support girls and engage the wider community in age-disparate transactional sex prevention efforts.

The LINEA radio drama and household discussion sessions

The radio drama is titled “Msichana Wa Kati” (“The Girl in the Middle”) in Kiswahili. It consists of 39 episodes between 15 and 20 minutes long and was designed to be played once per week over a period of nine months on the radio [44]. The drama encourages listeners to critically reflect on the drivers of age-disparate transactional sex, and was specifically designed to promote community-level change by including several positive role models – both male and female – who demonstrate how members of the community can help to change harmful behaviours related to age-disparate transactional sex.

Among other male role models within the story (described in Table 1), the character that speaks directly to male caregivers (and therefore is relevant to this paper) is Tizo, the father of Amali, who is the central adolescent girl character. At the beginning of the story, he abides by traditional, patriarchal norms; often travelling for work and barely communicating with his daughters. After an injury that leaves him unemployed and at home, he becomes more involved in his daughters’ lives, going to speak to their school headmistress (Fig 1), encouraging their careers, and ultimately helping them avoid age-disparate transactional sex. He also ensures that the teacher who engages in age-disparate transactional sex with his daughter is accountable and does not harm other girls in the school. The characters and storylines were developed using desired, positive norms identified within the community during formative research to ensure that the drama was relatable and appropriate to the setting [43].

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Table 1. Description of male role models from the Msichana wa Kati radio drama who help change harmful behaviours related to age-disparate transactional sex.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0321191.t001

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Fig 1. Illustration from the Msichana wa Kati radio drama of Amali’s father Tizo attending a meeting with the school headmistress.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0321191.g001

As part of the exploratory evaluation, participants were provided with a USB flash drive of the radio drama in September 2021 and instructed to listen to one episode per week at a time and place convenient for them. Providing participants with the flash drive also enabled participants to pause and replay the episodes at their leisure. Trained facilitators then visited a sub-group of randomly selected participants’ homes to deliver household discussion sessions once a week after the family had listened to the episodes. The aim of this in the overall impact evaluation was to determine whether discussion sessions had an additional impact beyond that of the radio drama alone, with the researchers concluding that there was no clear evidence that they had an additional impact [44]. In these sessions, facilitators used a discussion guide to ask one question related to each episode that drew out key storylines and themes from the drama for the family to critically reflect on together. The discussions focused on issues related to challenges faced by adolescent girls, power dynamics, assertive communication, and how caregivers and the wider community can help to prevent age-disparate transactional sex and support others to change harmful behaviours.

Sampling and data collection

Participants were selected from households who were recipients of services provided by TCRS in Kishapu district, who implemented this project. Prior to this study, solar powered radios had been distributed to 331 low-income households, which all included a person living with a disability, with the aim of sharing health-related information to the most vulnerable community members. Households were then sampled from this group for the LINEA study as they already possessed the radios needed to listen to the drama. We purposively sampled households in which at least one adolescent girl aged between 12–16 years was living, so that caregivers of adolescent girls in the age range targeted by the LINEA radio drama were included. Sixty household were randomly sampled to take part in household discussion sessions.

Caregivers were defined as anybody that cared for an adolescent girl, and subsequently included parents, grandparents and older siblings. Men caregivers were chosen to examine the impact of the intervention on caring roles, not the impact of the intervention on men engaging in age-disparate transactional sex. Therefore, it was not expected that any of the male participants would have ever engaged in age-disparate transactional sex. Adolescent girls, men and women were then randomly sampled from the selected households to participate in IDIs, with only one participant chosen from each household to maintain confidentiality. Participants with a cognitive disability were excluded. Participants were recruited from 21–27 July 2021, but due to delays data collection did not start until September. In total, 81 adolescent girls and men and women caregivers were selected to participate in baseline and endline IDIs, including the 18 men caregivers whose IDIs were analysed for this study. Of the 18 men included in the current study, 13 were assigned to take part in household discussion sessions.

The IDIs were carried out by sex-matched researchers from AGO who participated in the intervention development and were familiar with the issues underpinning the study, including adolescent sexual health and age-disparate transactional sex. The interviews were conducted by the same researchers at baseline and endline using similar topic guides. At both timepoints the IDI topic guides covered the themes of gender, power and age-disparate transactional sex, including participant’s attitudes, beliefs, social norms and experiences. At endline topic guides also covered experiences of listening to the radio drama as a family, and of facilitated household discussion sessions. Throughout the interviews probing was used to glean examples of participant’s personal experiences with the topics covered (see S1 and S2 File for the IDI topic guide themes and example questions). All interviews were conducted in Kiswahili and then transcribed verbatim and translated into English. The interviews were conducted in a time and place that was convenient and safe for participants.

Ethical approvals

Ethical approval for this study was obtained from LSHTM (ref: 22863–1) and the National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) (ref: NIMR/HQ/R.8a/Vol.IX/3698) in Tanzania. Prior to the start of the study, TCRS shared the NIMR research ethics approval certificate and the radio drama with the Kishapu District Executive Director to inform them of the study.

Written informed consent from study participants

Interviewers received training in ethical research and informed consent procedures before data collection. Potential participants were given an information sheet in Kiswahili, which was then read with the researcher to enable them to ask any questions before consenting to participate in the study. A verbal comprehension questionnaire was then provided to ensure that the information was understood correctly. If the participant agreed to partake in the study, they were then presented with a consent form to be signed (or marked with a thumb print if they could not write) and dated. If the individual was unable to read or write, an impartial witness was also present during the consent process, printing and signing their name on behalf of the participant. For additional information on the study setting, sampling and data collection procedures, intervention implementation and ethical considerations see Pichon et al. 2022 [44].

Inclusivity in global research

Additional information regarding the ethical, cultural, and scientific considerations specific to inclusivity in global research is included in the Supporting Information (S1 Checklist).

Data analysis

The transcripts were first uploaded into NVivo 12, where the first and second authors (AS and MP) read through the interviews to become familiar with the data, noting any initial impressions and highlighting sections of the transcripts that were particularly rich, based on knowledge of the literature. The coding framework was then drafted based on social norms theory, the topic guides and existing literature on age-disparate transactional sex. AS and MP dual-coded all of the transcripts, and LHM dual-coded 20%. They then met with the Principal Investigator (AMB) to discuss emerging themes and refine the coding framework. Using this coding framework, the transcripts were analysed using a thematic approach [55]. The coding framework was also refined throughout the coding process as themes arose inductively, by adding and removing codes. The combination of inductive and deductive approaches allowed the analysis to be guided by theory, whilst also allowing for new and diverse perspectives to arise, which was important in this study as men are understudied within this field and new themes were likely to emerge.

The data was then charted onto a matrix that summarised each transcript using the framework method [56]. The framework method was chosen because it created ease in comparing segments of data, whilst retaining the context of each account [56]. Each row of the matrix represented one transcript, with the participant’s baseline interview on top and the endline interview just below it. The columns of the matrix each contained a key theme, for example “collaborative parenting with mothers”. Within each cell of the matrix was a summary of the attitudes, beliefs, norms and behaviours surrounding that theme from the interview, including key quotes where present. This allowed for a comparison of individual participants’ views before and after the intervention and an analysis of changes by theme. It also allowed individual differences of opinion to be highlighted with ease, as well as any deviant cases.

The combination of thematic coding and the framework method allowed for an in-depth exploration of themes within the data, whilst facilitating a comparison between the IDIs before and after the intervention. While we use a trajectory analysis to describe the change between baseline and endline for a few individuals, our analyses relied primarily on the frequency with which different thematic findings at the aggregate level arose between the two time points and if, at endline participant’s referred to the radio drama characters or storylines as the reason for their attitude or belief, highlighting that the changes were due to the intervention [57]. Quotes from all but two of the participants are presented in the results section below, with these two excluded as they did not provide any novel contributions that were not already presented by other participants. Therefore, this paper presents a representative picture of the variety of perspectives contained within the sample.

Engagement with and acceptability of the radio drama

Overall, the vast majority of the men found the drama to be acceptable and appropriate for their adolescent girls to listen to. All reported listening to the radio drama, and all but one reported listening with their daughter(s), which they reported was a “comfortable” experience where they “felt free” to discuss the storylines whilst listening, reflecting the appropriateness of the messaging. Frequently, participants noted the utility of the drama as a tool to educate their children. For example, a grandfather explained:

I always advise[d] them [his granddaughters] to listen more to the radio drama, because [the radio drama characters] are the one[s] who educate us. (76-year-old man, Endline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 48)

The one participant who did not listen to the drama with his granddaughter believed she was too young to listen, and so he listened alone:

I felt that, for this girl, listening to this radio drama is not proper. I realised that I couldn’t involve her because she is still young. She is still underage; her mind is still immature... She is 12 years old. (62-year-old man, Endline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 60)

Whilst all other participants felt the drama was appropriate for their daughters to listen to, this example highlights that some caregivers may believe age-disparate transactional sex and sexual relationships in general are inappropriate topics to discuss with young adolescent girls.

Aspirational masculinities and interpretations of the radio drama

Throughout the interviews men frequently discussed qualities that make a ‘good’ man or father, describing positive male role models in the community and certain family-oriented behaviours they had observed and admired about other men. This extended to some of the male characters in the radio drama, reflecting the inclusion of positive role models who are relatable to listeners. When asked about men in their community that they admire, participants mostly described businessmen or affluent agriculturalists, citing their long-term personal and financial success:

I admire him because he has built for himself a house with galvanized iron roofing, then he has a cupboard and television. (58-year-old man, Baseline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 54)

He is a very good farmer, I admire him, and my goal is to reach his level. (53-year-old man, Baseline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 55)

A few also described men who provided financially for their families, thereby showing them care, and admired the harmony and love they witnessed in their day-to-day lives:

[I admire him] because of the way he is with his family. The love he has for his family. (42-year-old man, Baseline, No household discussion sessions, IDI 79)

Therefore, long-term personal development and caring for one’s family were seen as things that ‘good’ men do, highlighting attributes of aspirational masculinities.

In contrast, it was often emphasised – at both baseline and endline – how men who engage in age-disparate transactional sex experience a ‘double loss’, the financial loss of giving money and gifts to girls, and the consequent loss of the ability to provide for his family:

If for example, he has a family, his children will not have money for food, or breakfast. This is a loss to him. (25-year-old man, Baseline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 43)

For instance, maybe he’s gotten wealthy as a result of selling cotton, but he spends the money on that girl, so his family does not benefit from the wealth. (58-year-old man, Baseline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 54)

Furthermore, as engaging in sex with underage girls is illegal in Tanzania, participants explained how men may abandon their family to escape law enforcement after being caught engaging in age-disparate transactional sex:

[If you have sex with an underaged girl] you have to be arrested and you may run [from the police], the effect is you abandon your family. (63-year-old man, Endline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 59)

Consequently, participants frequently labelled men who engage in age-disparate transactional sex as “insane” or “childish”. Despite this, the majority described men’s sexual desire as being pervasive, and a natural characteristic of being a man, thus explaining why they still engage in age-disparate transactional sex.

After listening to the drama many participants reported admiration for a character named Tuma who had previously engaged in age-disparate transactional sex, but who later changed his ways and began educating other men to not engage:

I liked him [Tuma] because... at first, he was living with bad behaviours [engaging in age-disparate transactional sex]. Later [he] changed, you see?... He asked himself for how long he was going to live that kind of life. Then he decided to stay and be serious with work. (42-year-old man, Endline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 49)

I liked him [Tuma] because at first, he was ignorant... but eventually he changed... I liked his ability to learn, he was even [teaching] his fellows and [educated] other people. (54-year-old man, Endline, Household discussion sessions, IDI 58)

These quotes demonstrate that participants believed it was possible for men to change even if they previously engaged in behaviours that went against what a ‘good’ man does.

Changes in the role of men caregivers in preventing age-disparate transactional sex after listening to the radio drama

We begin this section by reporting evidence of the drama catalysing discussions about sex and age-disparate transactional sex between men caregivers and their adolescent daughters. We then discuss how this increased men’s understanding of the challenges faced by adolescent girls, and how their perceptions about fatherhood responsibilities were altered to include engaging with their daughters to prevent age-disparate transactional sex.

Educating other men and the wider community to prevent age-disparate transactional sex after listening to the radio drama

In this section we begin by describing the shift in men’s beliefs that girls must be educated to prevent age-disparate transactional sex, to highlighting the importance of also educating men after listening to the radio drama. We then present evidence of men’s recognition of the importance of strategies to educate the whole community to protect adolescent girls from age-disparate transactional sex after listening to the radio drama.

Limitations and strengths

The aim of this paper was to gain a nuanced perspective of men’s experiences of the LINEA radio drama and household discussion sessions. Whilst the sample size was relatively small, we are confident the pre/post design and the richness of the data provided us with useful insights into the indications of change following the intervention. The sample largely consisted of older men, and it is possible that the caregiving aspects of this intervention may not be as resonant with younger men, however, the drama was designed to be relevant to all ages and thus includes other characters and themes which younger men may better connect with. While data from adolescent girls and women caregivers were included in our companion papers (see [44,45]), findings did not speak directly to their perspectives of the role of male caregivers in preventing age-disparate transactional sex, and therefore data from girls and women were not included in this study.

There is always a possibility that participants provide socially desirable responses, particularly when discussing sensitive topics such as age-disparate transactional sex. We acknowledge this potential bias, although we found no direct evidence of it. This may be, in part, due to participants long-standing relationship with TCRS, which fostered trust in both the organisation and the study. While the AGO researchers were more educated and came from a more urban area then the participants, being introduced by TCRS and having plenty of experience working with the community likely helped establish credibility and comfort. Although it is possible that participants underreported their engagement in age-disparate transactional sex, this would not have affected the primary findings of this study, which focus on broader changes in male caregivers following the intervention. However, we recognise that social desirability bias may have led some participants to overstate the programmes effects.

It is also important to acknowledge that households for this study were all low-income and sampled from one district of the Shinyanga region, meaning these findings may not be transferrable to other populations in Shinyanga or Tanzania. However, the aim of this qualitative study was to gain insight into the potential of the LINEA radio drama to shift harmful masculinities and promote the perception of men caregivers as important parenting allies. The findings described here are very promising, and a more robust evaluation of LINEA is underway.