Introduction

Older adults, due to age-related physical decline, chronic health conditions, mobility limitations, and social isolation, are considered a high-risk group during disasters. Their increased vulnerability, particularly in response and evacuation scenarios, hinders their ability to react quickly and protect themselves [1]. Furthermore, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction highlights the need to prioritize the protection of vulnerable groups, especially the elderly, as a key element of disaster risk reduction strategies. The framework emphasizes the importance of addressing their specific needs to ensure adequate support and resources before, during, and after disasters [2]. According to the Taiwan Ministry of the Interior, Taiwan entered the stage of an aging society in 2018, which means the percentage of older adults surpassed the threshold of 14% and is expected to exceed 20% by 2025, meeting the criteria for a “super-aged society.” [3] Previous studies have indicated that older adults are one of the most vulnerable groups in disasters [4,5]. For example, during the Kobe earthquake in 1995, about 57% of the deceased were elderly, a proportion significantly higher than their representation in the population structure. Similarly, during Hurricane Katrina in 2005, approximately 67% of the deceased were elderly, despite this age group only accounting for 12% of the total population [6]. Additionally, in the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, over 15,000 people perished, with 66.1% of them being aged 60 and above [7]. According to the mortality data from natural disasters provided by the Ministry of the Interior between 2014 and 2017, the fatality rate for older adults was 0.81, indicating that Taiwan’s older adult population is disproportionately affected by disasters. This highlights the insufficient attention given to their needs and voices in disaster awareness and preparedness. As natural disasters become more frequent and severe, and Taiwan’s population continues to age rapidly, it is essential to implement more comprehensive and effective measures to enhance the disaster resilience of older adults.

As age increases, the deterioration of physical and mental health, reduced economic resources, and a potential decrease in social network support may occur [8]. Economic resources play a crucial role in disaster preparedness and response. The most common reason for the increased vulnerability of older adults in disasters is the deterioration of health conditions, with the likelihood of having chronic health conditions or special needs increasing with age. This poses challenges for older adults in receiving disaster warnings and taking protective measures, such as finding shelter during earthquakes. Those with disabilities or health issues may find it more difficult to prepare for evacuation, evacuate without assistance, or participate in post-disaster cleanup [9]. Due to physical decline and chronic illnesses, older adults face obstacles in daily life and may have difficulty perceiving disaster signs or identifying warnings during disasters. For instance, poor night vision and peripheral vision in older adults can lead to difficulties in unfamiliar environments or during rapid evacuations. Moreover, they may be unaware of evacuation directions, have slower walking speeds due to physical decline, or require assistive tools like canes, walkers, or wheelchairs, making it challenging for them to react promptly and evacuate in the event of an earthquake [10]. Researchers found that individuals in poorer health, those with disabilities, or those suffering from multiple chronic diseases are less likely to develop a clear emergency evacuation plan compared to those in better health [11].

Older adults with lower economic status are more likely to report having insufficient insurance coverage and fewer opportunities to receive federal assistance in disasters [5]. Research on older Americans by Durant found that although the poverty rate among older adults decreased and was lower than that of non-elderly adults, many older adults relied solely on fixed incomes, limiting their ability to mobilize and access resources in emergencies [12]. Bolin and Klenow observed that older adults faced more challenges in obtaining post-disaster loans compared to younger individuals and had greater difficulty bridging the gap between financial losses and insurance coverage. Therefore, older adults were almost twice as likely as younger individuals to experience a decline in their standard of living after a disaster [13].

Social capital, as explained by Bourdieu, involves resources that can be accessed through social networks [14]. Social capital is crucial at all stages of natural disasters, including warning and information dissemination through social networks, as well as assistance from family and friends in pre-disaster preparedness activities [15]. Due to declines in physical and cognitive abilities, older adults rely more on the assistance of others. However, the size of their social networks typically decreases with age [16]. Older adults are less likely to seek help from family, neighbors, or friends during or after a disaster, and they are also less likely to receive formal assistance from government and community organizations [17]. Klinenberg emphasized the importance of social network relationships for survival during the 1995 Chicago heatwave, noting that disaster-related deaths were predominantly among isolated older adults [18].

Past experiences may lead older adults to prepare for disasters; those severely affected in past disasters know how difficult and slow it is to receive emergency assistance [19]. Therefore, they tend to be better prepared for disasters. On the other hand, older adults who have experienced minor impacts or no effects in disasters usually have insufficient preparation for possible future disasters, exposing them to higher risks of illness and death. Compared to younger people, older adults may prioritize disaster preparedness due to past experiences or concerns about the future [11], but some literature also points out that older adults may lack sufficient financial resources to purchase items needed for disaster preparedness, such as emergency food, water, medications, battery-powered radios, or televisions [19].

Risk perception pertains to individuals’ comprehension or assessment of particular hazards that could result in harm to life or property. These perceptions, whether at the individual or community scale, constitute a crucial social element of managing disaster risks. They influence reactions to alerts and enhance community preparedness initiatives [20]. Many studies have explored the relationship between age and risk perception [21, 22]. One notable study identified a significant connection, revealing that older adults tend to have a heightened sense of risk perception [23].

Most disaster management personnel recognize the importance of self-efficacy in disaster preparedness. The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030, adopted at the Third World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction, echoes this view, emphasizing the importance of enabling people to learn from disaster experiences and prepare in advance for potential future disasters [2]. If the public actively engages in disaster preparedness, combined with the government’s structural disaster mitigation efforts, the risk of disaster impact on the public can be reduced [24]. With the acceleration of population aging, improving self-efficacy among older adults to reduce their risk of natural disasters is becoming increasingly important. Between 2005 and 2023, 85.09% of the villages that received landslide warnings had over 14% of their population comprised of older adults. This indicates the importance of disaster preparedness efforts for older adults, including disaster prevention education, planning evacuation routes, and participation in disaster response drills. The purpose of this study is to understand the relationship between the characteristics of older adults and their disaster preparedness behaviors. Based on the findings, more targeted policy recommendations will be proposed for disaster management agencies.

Materials and methods

Result

Descriptive statistics

Descriptive statistics of each variable are shown in Table 1. The average age of respondents was 73.15 years old, with slightly more females than males (49.70%). The mode of educational attainment is primary school, accounting for 45.5%. The majority were non-disabled (81.80%), with nearly half having a monthly income below ten thousand yuan. Approximately 80% of the elderly population resides in urban areas (76.57%). Self-perceived physical health (3.62) was above the midpoint, and the percentage of organization participants (53.80%) was slightly higher than non-participants. About two third of respondents had no disaster experience, and their perceived risk of natural disasters was slightly higher than the midpoint (2.79, the lower the score, the higher the risk perception).

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Table 1. Respondent characteristics description statistics (n = 398).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0315617.t001

The descriptive results of the survey on the disaster preparedness behaviors of older adults were shown in Table 2; among the six disaster preparedness behaviors, the most common one was moving cars or household items to a safe place (32.50%), and the least common one was participating in disaster response drills (4.37%). However, none of the disaster preparedness behaviors were performed by more than 50% of the respondents, indicating that the disaster preparedness behaviors of older adults were generally lacking.

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Table 2. Elderly disaster preparedness behavior description statistics (n = 398).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0315617.t002

Factors predicting disaster preparedness behavior

This study conducted four-stage hierarchical regression analysis to determine the significant influencing factors associated with disaster preparedness behavior among older adults (Table 3). Given the pronounced disparities between older adults and other socio-demographic groups, particularly in terms of health conditions, the first stage incorporated physical condition and mobility impaired. The second stage included socio-demographic variables, the third stage encompassed social network conditions, and the final stage featured variables commonly employed in disaster preparedness research, specifically disaster experience and risk perception. The results satisfied the linearity and normality assumptions in the linear regression analysis. The Durbin-Watson statistic was 1.82, which indicated that there were not autocorrelations. The tolerance was 0-1, and VIF’s were 1.04-1.77, below 10, so there was no multicollinearity.

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Table 3. Factors influencing natural disaster preparedness(n = 398).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0315617.t003

Model 1 of the regression included physical condition and mobility impaired, which was statistically significant (F = 8.375, p < .001) and explained about 3.9% of the variance. The worse the physical condition, the fewer disaster preparedness behaviors among older adults (β = −.188, p < .001).

Model 2 of the regression included physical condition, mobility impaired, and socio-demographic characteristics, which was statistically significant (F = 7.230, p < .001) and explained about 10.6% of the variance, 6.7% higher than Model 1. As age increased (β = −.153, p < .01), education level decreased (β =.157, p < .05), average monthly income increased (β = −.153, p < .05), and older adults who live in rural area (β = −.135, p < .01), less preparedness behavior was evident among older adults.

Model 3 of the regression included physical condition, mobility impaired, socio-demographic characteristics, and participation in organization (reference=no). This model was significant (F =  7.397, p < .01) and explained 12.2% of the variance, which represents an increase of 1.6% compared to Model 2. Older adults who participate in organizations exhibit more disaster preparedness behaviors (β = .141, p < .01).

Finally, physical condition, mobility impaired, socio-demographic characteristics, participation in organization, and the experience and awareness factors of natural disasters were input into model 4, and it was found to be statistically significant (F =  9.021, p < .001). The percentage of explained variance in the end was 17.9%, which represents an increase of 5.7% compared to Model 3. The higher the experience of disaster (β =.106, p < .05) and the higher the risk perception (β = -.210, p < .001), the significantly increased disaster preparedness behavior.

Discussion

We analyzed the study results by comparing them with existing academic literature. The finding that older adults exhibit lower levels of disaster preparedness aligns with studies conducted in other countries [11,26]. This study identifies factors influencing disaster preparedness behaviors among older adults, and the results not only enrich the existing literature but also highlight the heterogeneity within this demographic group.

As shown in Table 3, all four models indicate a decline in disaster preparedness behaviors associated with several factors: deteriorating physical health, increasing age, decreasing education level, rising average monthly income, rural residency, organizational participation, and heightened disaster experience and risk perception. These findings have important implications for disaster management policy and practice.

Physical health is a significant factor. Older adults with poorer health are less likely to engage in disaster preparedness, consistent with previous studies [1,9,27], suggesting that limited mobility may reduce their motivation. This underscores the need for special support and resources for older adults with mobility challenges.

Age also affects preparedness. Our findings show a decline in preparedness as age increases, which is supported by several studies [11,28,29]. This trend may be due o diminished physical capabilities, which can hinder participation in preparedness activities [1,9,27], as well as greater reliance on family members, reducing personal preparedness [30]. Tailored strategies for different age groups, particularly the oldest, are crucial. For high-aged elderly, providing personalized support such as home visits for preparedness assessments and easy-to-understand educational materials can significantly enhance their disaster preparedness.

Education level plays a clear role in influencing preparedness. Higher levels of education are associated with more proactive disaster preparedness, consistent with prior studies [19,27]. Increasing disaster education and raising risk awareness among older adults could be effective in boosting overall preparedness.

Income presents a somewhat surprising relationship with preparedness. Contrary to previous research [12], we found that older adults with higher incomes were less likely to engage in preparedness activities. This may be because higher-income individuals live in safer environments and perceive lower levels of risk [31], or because financial security lessens concerns about potential losses [32]. The results highlight the importance of customized approaches for different income groups. For high-income older adults, strategies should emphasize the importance of property protection (such as disaster insurance) and highlight that even in safer environments, risk-reducing measures remain essential.

Area of residence also contributes to variations in preparedness. Older adults in urban areas are more likely to engage in disaster preparedness than their rural counterparts, likely due to differences in access to resources and risk perception [33]. This highlights the need to improve disaster education and resource allocation in rural areas.

Organizational participation is another factor linked to preparedness. Older adults who participate in organizational activities tend to exhibit more proactive preparedness behaviors, aligning with social capital theory [17,27]. This underscores the importance of social networks in promoting preparedness and provides a strong case for community-based programs.

Finally, disaster experience and risk perception strongly influence preparedness. Older adults with disaster experience and higher risk perception are more likely to engage in preparedness, consistent with several studies [11,20–23]. This points to the value of incorporating real-life experiences and risk assessments into disaster education.

These findings reveal the complexity and diversity of disaster preparedness behaviors among older adults. Policymakers and practitioners must adopt multifaceted approaches, tailoring strategies to account for differences in health, education, and income, while also strengthening community involvement and risk awareness. Future research should explore how these factors interact and how insights can be translated into effective interventions.

Conclusion

This study contributes to existing literature by focusing on the heterogeneity among older adults and identifying the factors that influence their disaster preparedness behaviors. The findings reveal that a high proportion of older adults do not invest time or resources into disaster preparedness, despite being the most vulnerable to the impacts of disasters.

It is recommended that government interventions address the factors identified in the study through the following strategies

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Fu, Yang-chih and The Survey Research Data Archive (SRDA) for providing the raw data necessary for this study. We also thank the anonymous reviewers and the editor for their comments.