2.1 English in Saudi schools

The teaching of English as a foreign language (EFL) was first introduced in Saudi Arabia in 1928 [13,14]. Since then, multiple changes, modifications and improvements have been made to EFL curricula in Saudi Arabia, especially in the last three decades, as part of an educational expansion initiative intended to support economic, commercial and industrial development [15]. Initially, the Saudi government opposed teaching English to public elementary school students (Grades 1–6) based on the assumption that it would negatively affect their L1 acquisition [16]. This policy lasted until 2010, when English was introduced in public elementary schools beginning in Grade 4. In 2021, English became a core course in public schools, with instruction beginning in Grade 1 [17].

Driven by labour market requirements, English is increasingly the dominant language of instruction in Saudi universities, where science programmes, such as engineering and medicine, are taught in English, while arts and other programmes are taught in Arabic [16]. Even in Arabic-language programmes, students are required to study EFL as elective or orientation courses. The emphasis on English-language education at the university level is attributed to English’s status as an international language spoken widely by native and nonnative speakers [18]. While some have proposed that the MOE consider establishing bilingual programmes (i.e., Arabic and English) in public schools [19], others argue that the level of English proficiency required by labour market does not warrant such widespread adoption of English within the public curriculum and warn that doing so may have unpredictable linguistic, social and cultural consequences. Indeed, Al-Jarf [1] points to a lack of linguistic policies and language planning in Saudi Arabia as a factor in slow Arabisation processes and low Arabic publishing output, an indication that the dominance of English in higher education poses a serious threat to Arabic. This increasing adoption of English-based instruction in Saudi universities seems to have shaped many parents’ decisions to enrol their children in international schools, or “international schooling” as in [20].

2.2 Saudi Arabians’ attitudes towards English

Successful English acquisition requires that an English-language education be perceived as beneficial for social and psychological reasons. Notably, Al-Zahrani [21] found that a considerable number of learners would not study English if given the choice, and Al-Seghayer [22] noted that many of the Saudi students who participated in the study believed that learning English was beyond their capability. Other studies, however, have shown generally positive attitudes towards English among Saudi learners. The vast majority of Al-Jarf’s [1] student participants viewed English as the language of science, research and technology, which afforded it a superior status. More broadly, Faruk’s [23] participants reported positive attitudes towards English and attributed their opinion to the belief that communicating in English is vital for the future of the country and a requirement in various economic, administrative and commercial domains. These studies suggest a shift in the general status and reputation of English in the Saudi context. More recent research has explored attitudes towards English-language education preferences. Specifically, Al-Jarf [24] found that 70% of 300 Saudi mothers expressed a desire to enrol their children in kindergartens that teach English. Moreover, beyond EFL instruction, Al-Matrafi [25] found that Saudis held positive attitudes towards teaching English culture and literature more broadly. The above studies suggest the Saudi students’ motivation to acquire English is extrinsic rather than intrinsic. Additionally, the attitudes towards English and the motivation to learn it seem to be influenced by a number of challenges discussed in the remainder of this chapter.

Thus, teaching English speaking skills to Arab students has always been a challenging task for EFL instructors due to its status as a foreign language [26]. However, the question raised is whether children should or need to be enrolled in international schools. In addition, does parents recognition of the importance of English for their children and their positive attitude towards it implement a similar attitude towards international schools?

2.3 Classrooms

One of the main challenges in Saudi Arabian public schools is the number of students in classes. The number of students in one class can reach 50 in public schools in Saudi Arabia, whereas the maximum in international schools is 25. Smaller classes may provide greater learning opportunities for students [27,28], and their social and academic involvement can be affected by class size, with smaller classes offering fewer opportunities for misbehaviour, as learners are usually engaged in intensive social interaction [29]. Conversely, large classrooms can be difficult for teachers to manage [30], and instructors may struggle to support their students’ language proficiency development [31], in part because there is insufficient capacity to afford each child the required individual attention or practice opportunities [32]. In these cases, weak or shy students may be neglected [33].

Small classes allow teachers to give more time to students as individuals according to their needs [34]. The time-consuming nature of classroom management in large classes can reduce the time spent on teaching and negatively impact learning momentum [34,35], and large classes tend to offer fewer opportunities for high-quality teaching or create a classroom environment that is not conducive to learning [36,37]. As mentioned above, students have fewer opportunities for L2 oral practice in large classes [38]. Despite recommendations that the number of students in a class should not exceed 12–30 students [39,40], Some studies contradict the suggestion to minimise class sizes based on findings that student performance can be better in larger classes because large classes are usually assigned to experienced teachers, while new teachers are given smaller classes with lower-proficiency students [41].

Another challenge in some Saudi public classrooms is the shortage of teaching equipment and facilities. Resources such as posters, language software, laboratories and flashcards are often absent [42], out of order or poorly maintained [43]. The absence of technology and other teaching tools extends to English classrooms in Saudi schools [44]. International schools on the other hand are usually provided with quality facilities, and consequently has a better level of belief [45].

2.4 Exposure to a second language (L2)

Despite growing interest in L2 education, exposure to English outside educational institutions tends to be low in Saudi Arabia, especially in general conversation, due to its continued status as a foreign language [22]. The lack of exposure to English in daily interactions is a significant barrier for Arab learners who wish to achieve higher levels of proficiency [16,46]. Even in the classroom, the L1 interferes with L2 acquisition [41]. Although research indicates that Arabic is widely used in the English classroom [e.g., 47], many studies suggest intensive exposure to the L2, combined with intensive communication in the school’s context, to enhance L2 acquisition [26]. Various factors contribute to L1 use in the classroom, including teachers’ lack of competence, low confidence in their English skills or the choice to make their job easier [47]. However, using L1 as the language of instruction decreases L2 practice and communication [48], which undermines L2 acquisition [42]. Alsuhaibani [49] encourages the facilitative use of Arabic in L2 classes.

2.5 Teachers, curricula and teaching styles

Additional issues have been observed in teaching styles and the English teaching curriculum in public schools in Saudi Arabia. In particular, English-language education in Saudi schools follows a teacher-centred pedagogical style characterised by a knowledge transmission strategy in which the teacher dominates the interaction [22,50]. Despite being outdated, these teaching approaches remain in use [44]. Activities in Saudi schools are not student-centred, and the passive role that students adopt in class means that they are usually quiet [42]. The lack of opportunity to take on more active roles in their learning deters students from developing their L2 proficiency [51–53]. Alnasser [44] and Fareh [42] both noted that Saudi pedagogy is outdated: syllabi and curricula are not revised to keep pace with contemporary teaching approaches, while teachers are not adequately trained in up-to-date teaching strategies.

3.1 Research design

The study employed a mixed-methods design and collected quantitative and qualitative data from a sample of parents. A questionnaire was designed to elicit data on Saudi parents’ attitudes towards enrolling their children in international schools. Student parents should provide us with accurate answers regarding their choices for choosing the schools in which the children are enrolled.

3.2 Participants

The study employed snowball sampling of parents across different regions of Saudi Arabia to ensure a representative study population and to attain a better overall understanding of Saudi parents’ attitudes and opinions concerning the need for international schools. The target population is socially and economically diverse, and parents from different backgrounds and regions might have different perceptions of international schools or be subject to different social, geographic and economic factors that influence their opinions. Polling participants from different areas in Saudi Arabia also increased the chance of including families with experience living abroad for study or work from different Saudi backgrounds. Moreover, the different types of schools available in each region might affect parents’ perceptions of international schools.

The participants comprised 76 parents, 52 male respondents (68.4%) and 24 female respondents (31.6%), with at least one child currently or previously enrolled in an international programme in Saudi Arabia. Of the 76 respondents, 93.4% lived with their partners at the time of the study, while 6.6% were single parents. Most (89%) were between 27 and 47 years of age. Almost all (around 99%) held at least a bachelor’s degree, although 61% of the sample held a postgraduate degree (26.3% MA, 35.5% PhD). Collecting more data from less educated parents was not possible because most parents who register their children in international schools are well educated, but the sample did include respondents from a range of socioeconomic backgrounds based on annual income. Most respondents (61.4%) had lived abroad for at least one year, with most of these experiences occurring during postgraduate studies. In all, 51.3% of the respondents reported that they had enrolled at least one child in school in the country in which they lived at the time, while the rest did not have children while they were abroad.

3.3 Data collection

This study employed a questionnaire for data collection designed and administered to the target population through Google Forms. A questionnaire is a tool commonly used in sociolinguistics research to measure attitudinal, factual, behavioural and statistical dimensions [54]. Questionnaires have also been widely identified as the most effective instrument applied in bilingual education research [55]. According to Curle and Derakhshan [56], its ‘extensive use originates from the many advantages that questionnaire use brings to researchers in terms of its practicality, economy, feasibility, time, efficiency, versatility, ease of construction and data analysis’ (p. 3). Consequently, collected qualitative and quantitative data are detailed and insightful.

3.4 Ethical considerations

The study addressed ethical considerations with care throughout. Ethical approval was obtained from the first author’s university (No. ETHICS2067), ensuring that the research complied with ethical standards and guidelines. The anonymity of all the participants was maintained and the information they provided was treated confidentially. The data collected were used solely for the purposes of this research and were accessible only to the researchers. Written consent was obtained. Before completing the questionnaire, it was clearly stated on the first page of the questionnaire that by moving to the next pages and completing the survey, participants were agreeing to participate in the study. All participants were adults who agreed by clicking on and moving on to the subsequent pages of the questionnaire. The survey produced quantitative and qualitative data. For the quantitative data, descriptive statistics were calculated with a focus on percentages.

4.1 Language

Many parents expressed the belief that international school programmes help strengthen learners’ L2 competency from early childhood. One respondent stated that professional English was his primary reason for choosing an international school. Two other respondents noted that exposure to L2 aids learners in becoming bilingual and acquiring knowledge in both languages. Another respondent stated that the aim was to prepare his child to become ‘extremely fluent’ in English. Overall, the respondents expressed the belief that international schools offered intensive exposure to English, which helped their children in various domains. However, some respondents criticised the focus on English-only instruction in international schools and reported concerns that this could affect their children’s L1 proficiency as well as community integration and cultural identity.

4.2 Context and social norms

Enrolling Saudi children in international schools seems to have stemmed from the children’s needs to pursue their education which started in an English-speaking country. The analysis showed that 68.4% of respondents had spent at least one year studying or working abroad, while others intended to travel abroad to pursue their studies in the near future. The former described enrolling their children in international schools for continuity upon returning to Saudi Arabia, while the latter framed international school education as a preliminary step in preparing their children for life abroad. One respondent explained their choice of an international school based on the potential for sponsorship for the family to pursue postgraduate studies abroad, as it might help the transition to an English-speaking school when overseas. Another father attributed his choice to his wife’s plan to pursue her PhD abroad. For these respondents, enrolling their children in international schools while still in Saudi Arabia was a proactive measure intended to ensure a smooth transition from public Arabic schools to international schools while abroad.

Respondents also explained their rationale for choosing international schools by referring to the fact that children understood English better than Arabic or could not speak Arabic at all after years of studying abroad. One respondent framed her children’s attendance at an international school as a temporary decision intended to ease the transition from foreign schools to Saudi public schools. Similarly, another respondent considered a period of time at an international school to be an extension of what children had started abroad and an opportunity to minimise linguistic and cultural shock after studying abroad. These parents opted for international schools to minimise disruption: Their children had begun their education in Arabic schools, then started studying in English abroad in the absence of Arabic alternatives and had difficulties adapting abroad, so upon returning home, the respondents enrolled their children in international schools to avoid further disruption, despite the high cost.

Respondents also noted that their children’s acquisition of English as an L1 while abroad made it difficult for some to learn in Arabic, thus motivating the choice of an international school upon returning home. One respondent described his child as ‘monolingual’ after overseas scholarship, albeit acknowledging the enrichment offered by international schools. Another respondent stated that after his children had spent three years in international schools – and lost their Arabic while living in Saudi Arabia – he decided to move them to Arabic programmes in private schools. Table 1 shows how the respondents described their children’s levels of proficiency in both Arabic and English. Parents also mentioned excluding public schools as an option due to crowded classes and the potential for bullying.

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Table 1. Parents’ descriptions of their children’s current levels of proficiency in Arabic and English.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0314671.t001

The respondents also reported concerns about social and community-related pressure as factors that influenced their choice of schools, including high competition and the stress of keeping up with society. Specifically, some respondents expressed the belief that public schools were ‘’not up to the mark,” including one whose choice was influenced by better learning opportunities for his son. This respondent described the international school as an ‘extended family’ and indicated ‘that [he] was deprived of such opportunities’ as a motivation. Moreover, some parents explained that they chose international schools because they cater to particular social classes and contexts. As one respondent explained, ‘To be honest, the pressure of society is strange, asking about the school in which my son is enrolled’.

4.3 School and programme features

The respondents reported that they perceived international schools as offering higher-quality education than public schools and were attracted by the smaller class sizes. One respondent mentioned that international schools have good, strict policies regarding student dismissal compared to public schools.

Respondents also chose international schools based on whether they adopted a UK, US or Australian curriculum. As one respondent explained, these curricula are much better than those provided in public schools or even in national (Arabic) programmes in private schools. Respondents also described international schools as ‘enriching’ learning environments that focus intensively on student development in several areas, including language, science, self-development, leadership and public speaking. Respondents expressed the view that international schools teach students how to think, analyse and make decisions using cognitive, critical and deduction strategies. Respondents also praised international schools for meeting the minimum standards of knowledge transfer in addition to developing skills. Moreover, respondents perceived international schools as employing competent teachers and offering attractive coursebooks and materials. Many respondents also identified English instruction in science courses as a positive factor.

Notably, one respondent expressed scepticism about the regional curricula, stating that the teaching system does not reflect that used in the countries in which the curricula are originated. Another respondent agreed and claimed that not all international schools maintain high standards, with some recruiting poor-quality staff who apply ineffective teaching styles. Nonetheless, the participants concluded that even these international schools were better than other (public) schools. Indeed, many respondents described the quality of education available in public schools as poor and favoured international schools due to a focus on learning outcomes and innovative pedagogical approaches.

4.4 Career and higher education prospects

Many respondents expressed the belief that international schools would better prepare their children for future studies abroad, which they anticipated given the lack of higher education opportunities at home. Respondents also mentioned that international programmes help students with obtaining the English proficiency they will need upon joining university and later in the labour market. Respondents also identified the need for L2 acquisition to begin at an early stage to facilitate the pursuit of graduate studies at English-language institutions at home or abroad. In another evidence for the extrinsic motivation which parents have about international schools, one respondent described English as ‘the language of the era’. Many respondents expressed concern about their children possibly failing to achieve the English language proficiency required by some universities in Saudi Arabia and believed that enrolling their children in international schools might help overcome this challenge. When asked which language they considered more relevant to students’ future learning and recruitment opportunities, an overwhelming 93.4% of respondents indicated that English is more important than Arabic. In addition to general English skills, which could be learned in contexts other than international schools, respondents identified English scientific vocabulary acquisition as a prerequisite for studying abroad.

4.5 Additional factors

In addition to the previously mentioned reasons for opting for international schools, parents also mentioned other motives, which we list in this section. Respondents with a child or children enrolled in international schools responded overwhelmingly positively (72% ‘Yes’, 28% ‘No’) when asked whether they would enrol all their children in an international school if it were financially viable. Some respondents indicated additional relevant factors, including the quality of education and their children’s willingness and ability to attend and perform well at an international school. Respondents who had not enrolled their children in international schools identified several factors that influenced their decision, including individual differences, a child’s reluctance, a weak programme focus on Arabic, the potential loss or weakening of a child’s L1, the preservation of cultural identity, concerns related to values and religion, a child’s lack of English skills, health issues, a perceived decline in educational quality in international schools and programmes, increasing costs, transportation barriers, schools being too business oriented and parents’ limited exposure to language and sciences, which might make the effort of following up difficult.

4.6 Quantitative data

Most respondents (61%) expressed the belief that the student community in international schools was outstanding. Moreover, 67.2% felt that their children were outstanding because they could study in international schools. Most (80%) were interested in choosing international schools because they adopted curricula from scientifically advanced countries. More than one-third of respondents (38.2%) reported that some or all of their children studied at international schools because they could not speak Arabic and had adapted to studying in international schools in Saudi Arabia. Notably, data indicate that English acquisition was not a primary factor for many respondents: Only 9.2% indicated that they had chosen international schools to develop their children’s proficiency in English, and most (78.9%) reported a dual interest in their children developing language and science skills.

4.7 Reputation of international school graduates

The respondents indicated a strong belief that international schools and their graduates have positive reputations. Most (72.4%) stated that they preferred international schools due to their strong reputation in the Saudi community, with 63.1% specifying that international school graduates are recognised as outstanding and distinctive. Furthermore, 72.3% of respondents indicated that they had enrolled their children in international schools based on the expectation that they would have a competitive advantage over graduates from other schools. The vast majority of respondents (85.5%) reported the expectation that international school graduates outperform their peers from other schools regarding L2 proficiency, and 75% of respondents expressed the same belief regarding the sciences. Regarding academic competition, 64.5% of respondents anticipated that international school graduates would have a better chance of admission to university. Most parents (65.8%) reported that they chose international schools because they promote better school–parent relationships and are housed in better-quality buildings. When asked whether they believed that the educational outcomes of international schools were superior due to high tuition fees, most respondents reported agreeing 39.5%, or being neutral 39.5 on this point (Table 2).

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Table 2. Perceived link between the excellence of international schools and high costs.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0314671.t002