Acculturative stress and social support: A brief survey on past literature

Extensive research studies on stress coping strategies have shown that social support is an effective stress buffer, especially for international students going through acculturation stress [1, 10, 11]. International students who possess social competence are less likely to feel hopeless, which emphasizes the necessity for educational institutions to create support systems that deal with the difficulties of cultural adaptation and improve social competence [12]. Additionally, social competence can operate as a mitigating element, assisting people in overcoming the difficulties associated with cultural adaptation and lessening the detrimental effects on their mental health. Research has demonstrated that those with greater social competence can manage the stress of cultural adaptation and are less likely to feel despair [13]. It has been shown that international pupils who receive social support from local peers experience less homesickness [14].

A vital resource for stress management and the advancement of both physical and mental wellness is social support [1, 10, 15]. It has been argued that the development of cultural knowledge and competencies necessary for adaptation depends on friendships with locals, while social support from family and fellow citizens helps international students preserve their cultural identities and customs and lessens homesickness and confusion [12, 16]. It has been demonstrated that supportive networks, such as friendships with locals, provide essential information about mainstream culture, aiding in the development of cultural knowledge and competence for adjusting to the host society. However, several studies have revealed that undesirable occurrences like racism and signs of psychological distress are not immediately impacted by social support for international students [16, 17]. Social support helps prevent stress and maladaptive habits, which tends to benefit one’s health. However, maladjustment among international students can hinder psychosocial growth and increase mental health risks, including depression [17].

Social networking sites, or SNSs, are quickly emerging as an essential tool for students studying abroad to communicate with friends and family back in their home countries to help curd acculturative stress [17]. It is important to distinguish between received and perceived social support. Social support either received or perceived protects international students against stressful life events, controls maladaptive behaviours, and provides relief through practical, emotional, and informational support, among other forms of relief, all beneficial to one health [11, 15, 18]. argued that received social support is the amount and quality of particular supportive interactions one receives while perceived social support is the receivers’ assessment of the availability and sufficiency of supporting resources in their social network [11, 18].

Extensive research has demonstrated a correlation between received and perceived social support and acculturative stresses [18, 19]. Nonetheless, research has found a stronger and more stable relationship between perceived social support and outcomes related to acculturative stress [11, 18, 19]. Language competency has been argued to have a considerable impact on international students’ academic, social, and psychological adjustment, with acculturation stress and social support playing moderating roles [1]. Language limitations can also have an impact on international students’ interactions and socializing with other nationalities and locals [20].

Students who were more satisfied with their interpersonal social support networks reported less acculturative stress in the form of less perceived discrimination, hatred, and negative feelings caused by cultural change, according to a study done on students in large, diverse universities about the relationships between acculturative stress, interpersonal social support, and the use of online ethnic groups [21]. Similarly, it was found that among those who had used online ethnic social groups, those who reported receiving higher amounts of informational support from these online ethnic groups experienced lower levels of acculturative stress [21]. The study, however, failed to explore the possible impact that social support participants received from families and friends may have had on their lowered reported levels of acculturative stress.

The relationships between friendship networks, social connectedness, homesickness, contentment, and satisfaction were examined and the result showed that international students with a higher ratio of individuals from the host country in the social support network were more satisfied, content, and less homesick [14]. Also, participants who reported more friendship variability with host country nationals described themselves as more satisfied and more socially connected. This study establishes the critical role that social support in the form of friendship networks with host country nationals plays in helping international students deal with acculturative stress. However, generalizing the findings of this study is quite challenging because the sample size of 5% is low when Scheaffer, Mendenhall and Ott [22] argued that the sample size should be at least 10% of the population to generalize.

International students from four different colleges were studied and the results showed that social support uniquely contributed to the variance in acculturative stress among international students [8]. The study further established those students who primarily socialized with their co-nationals rather than with host nationals experienced more acculturative stress. However, others have found that social support did not have any impact on the socio-cultural adjustment of Asian international students studying in the United States (US) [23]. However, the study did not separately explore how social support from students’ home country affected adjustment from social support received from the host country. The lumping together of social support, irrespective of where it is being received, could have affected the findings of this study since there are studies that give premium to support from host nationals as effective in dealing with acculturative stress [8, 14] and those that give premium to support from home country [24, 25].

Individualism-collectivism cultural dimension has been argued to have some implications for international students’ acculturation experience and its concomitant stresses [24]. Research on international students’ acculturative stress suggests that students who originate from societies with collectivistic values, such as countries in Africa and Asia, experience difficulties when in contact with societies that emphasize individualist values such as countries in North America and Europe [2, 26]. Moreover, international students from Asian and African countries studying in Germany experienced higher acculturative stress compared to their counterparts from other European countries [27].

International students from collectivist societies studying outside their home country reported that competition in foreign universities and educational settings could sometimes take away the opportunity to learn and to relate, thus experiencing acculturative stress [28]. Moreover, international students from individualist societies that value self-promotion, self-assertion, and competition studying in societies that are collectively inclined who place value on modesty, interdependence, and in-group harmony are likely to report acculturative stress.

Religiosity in the form of church attendance, involvement in church-related activities, and frequency of prayer and religion have been observed by [29] as the use of cognitive and behavioural techniques when confronted with stressful life events, are important predictors of acculturative stress. Research done among African Americans suggests that the use of religious resources such as prayer and religious service attendance tends to temper the effects of discrimination as well as other forms of psychological stress [30, 31]. Conversely, it has been argued that religious involvement appeared to exacerbate the effects of acculturative stress [32].

It has been established that international students studying in China who were part of an organized religion, especially Christians and Muslims experienced more difficulties finding partners and locations for religious activities leading to acculturative stress as they scored high on homesickness [33]. The same study found that persons who identified as Hindu or Buddhist scored higher on cultural competence. The literature on religion and acculturative stress is quite conflicting. Thus, it may be interesting to further explore religion and acculturative stress among international students in Ghana where about 95% identified as religious.

Theoretical framework: The acculturative stress model

Scholars proposed the acculturative stress model to understand the processes and outcomes of acculturation [34]. This model emphasizes the importance of examining acculturative stress as a manifestation of acculturation when individuals or groups encounter another cultural group. Acculturation involves cultural and psychological changes, as individuals’ values, norms, beliefs, and traditions may differ from another culture. Acculturation can improve life chances and mental health, but it can also cause acculturative stress, leading to anxiety, depression, feelings of marginality, alienation, heightened psychosomatic symptoms, and identity confusion [34]. The model (Fig 1) illustrated by what [34] refers to as acculturation experience, on the left-hand side of the figure, shows that acculturation occurs in a particular situation or cultural environment.

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Fig 1. Acculturative stress model.

Source: [34].

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0311123.g001

Acculturation experiences vary among individuals, ranging from minimal to significant changes in their new environment, whether they are part of a migrant community, native settlement, sojourners, or international students. In the middle section of Fig 1 referred to as stressors, the model illustrates that an individual could experience stressors which could come about because of the varying degrees of acculturation experiences, they may have had. However, acculturative changes can be perceived as stressors for some individuals, while others see them as opportunities for personal growth or benign stressors in their new environment. On the right side of Fig 1, the model shows the variations of acculturative stress, high or low, that may become manifest due to acculturation experience and stressors.

This model is logical but not a "quid pro quo" phenomenon. It has been argued that the model is probabilistic, as the relationships between acculturation experience, stressors, and acculturative stress are influenced by various moderating factors, including the larger society, group type, mode of acculturation, demographics, and individual psychological characteristics [34]. The moderating factor for a host society’s tolerance for diversity is whether it embraces pluralism operates on a multiculturalist ideology, or if it pressures conformity to a single cultural standard.

It has been suggested that individuals experiencing acculturation in culturally diverse societies may experience lower stress levels compared to those in societies with forced inclusion. The acculturating group, those who consciously choose to undergo acculturation, are less likely to experience stress compared to those with limited choice [35]. Thus, Berry et al., [34] assert that the variations in the degree of voluntariness, movement, and permanence of contact tend to affect acculturative stress levels of acculturating groups. Furthermore, if the group is sojourners or international students, such persons could only be in temporary contact with the host culture and less likely to have permanence of social support and therefore could experience more mental health challenges compared to those who are permanently settled [34].

The strategies adopted by individuals or groups during acculturation can moderate the process. Berry et al. and Sam and Berry suggest that cultural dimensions, such as maintaining heritage cultures and interacting with host cultures, influence acculturation strategies, leading to four different modes of acculturation [34, 36]. The literature identified four strategies for acculturation: integration, assimilation, marginalization, and separation, which involve maintaining contact with one’s original culture while actively participating in the host culture [34]. The integration model of acculturation involves individuals maintaining contact with their original culture while actively participating in the host culture.

Assimilation is a strategy where individuals seek close interactions with host culture members without preserving their cultural identity, also known as "going native" in anthropological terms. Individuals who prioritize their original culture and avoid interaction with new society members adopt the separation strategy [36]. Marginalization refers to a lack of interest in cultural maintenance due to cultural loss, and in maintaining relationships due to exclusion and discrimination [36]. Individuals with a marginalization or separation inclination are more likely to experience stress and adjustment difficulties compared to those who are integration and assimilation inclined [34].

The fourth factor moderating the effects of acculturation and its attendant stresses is the demographic and social characteristics of the acculturating individual such as age, gender, level of education, and intercultural experiences before entering the host culture among others. Berry et al., [34] posit that these characteristics are likely to moderate the acculturation process and outcomes. Finally, an individual’s psychological characteristics such as attitudes towards change whether negative or positive; cognitive appraisal of the situation whether controllable or threatening; and coping skills of the individual impact how a person adapts to life in a new culture as depicted in Fig 1. Individuals’ responses to cultural changes vary greatly, with some recognizing changes as easy, others as a challenge, and some experiencing psychopathology like clinical depression or anxiety due to their varying perceptions.

Positionality statement

There are four (4) authors for the current study, and we hold PhDs in various fields of expertise (e.g., Adult Education and Human Resource Studies, Psychology, and Public Administration). The lead author has over two decades of experience working with international students who come to Ghana to study under the sponsorship of the CIEE, the largest not-for-profit international educational exchange organisation in the world. Two of the authors have been international students themselves. One of the two pursued a PhD in Norway and the other pursued their Masters and PhD in South Africa. The fourth author also has extensive teaching experience at the University of Ghana where her classes have always had international students. More specifically, for the past 8 years, she has been teaching an internship course for only study abroad students who come to study on the CIEE program at the University of Ghana. Our collective lived experiences as administrators, researchers, academics, and international students, guided the selection of this topic since we acknowledge the important role social support plays in dealing with acculturative stress among international students as they transition from one culture to another. This in-depth personal understanding of the lived experiences of international students informed the construction of the interview guide used to collect data for this study, the interviewing technique adopted, the theoretical approach used, and our choice of data analysis. We recognised that our positionality influenced not just how we regarded the research participants, but also how they perceived and interacted with us. However, we developed an inclusive and courteous study setting, remaining open to all participants’ viewpoints and experiences. At the same time, we made efforts to bracket our existing biases and had regular open discussions to ensure that we presented findings that accurately represented the lived experiences of our study participants.

Design

The qualitative data analysis grounded in an interpretative phenomenological approach (IPA) was utilized in this analysis [37]. Since IPA is based on phenomenology, it was adopted to gain insight into the lived realities of international students as they navigate the pressures associated with acculturation. The methodology made it easier for the researchers to comprehend how foreign students on the two university campuses in Ghana interpret their acculturative life experiences both on and off campus. The theory of phenomenology guided data collection as participants were made to respond to questions such as: “What is your experience of being an international student studying in Ghana?”. Ethical assurance on the consent forms they had read, understood, and signed also allowed for the open and free expression of experiences. Responses provided were probed rigorously to learn more about their experiences and how they dealt with stressful intercultural situations academically and with the larger Ghanaian socio-cultural environment. The analysis presented in this paper was part of a doctoral research project titled "Dealing with Acculturative Stress Among International Students in Ghana: Influences of Assertiveness, Self-Efficacy and Social Support" that was carried out at two universities in the Greater Accra Region of Ghana between October 3, 2016, and January 20, 2017 (see Table 1).

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Table 1. Profile of international students interviewed (N = 15).

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0311123.t001

Sampling procedures and participants

Through a convenient sampling approach [38], a sample was drawn from the international student population in two universities (one private, one public). A total of fifteen (15) participants, 8 males and 7 females, were interviewed. Two (2) of the in-depth interviews, out of the total, were conducted among international students at Wisconsin International University College (WIUC) (1 African male and 1 African female). The rest of the in-depth interviews were all conducted at the University of Ghana (UG). Table 1 shows the profile of participants indicating their gender and continent of origin. Interviews were conducted with seven (7) international students from Africa, three (3) Americans, three (3) Asians, and two (2) Europeans.

A convenient sampling approach grounded in snowballing technique was employed to solicit information from the 15 study participants [39]. The selection of participants was done through convenient sampling with the help of a Research Assistant (RA). Prospective participants were recruited and informed of the study and asked if they would be interested in participating. Suitable days and times were scheduled with students who agreed to participate in the study. This procedure was however successful with only four (4) participants as there were situations where participants who had initially agreed could not make it due to class work, lecture attendance, or personal reasons. Thus, a snowball sampling technique was then employed by requesting that these 4 participants tell their friends about the study and ask if they would like to participate. Eleven (11) of such participants were recruited for the interview. All the participants had been studying at the two universities for a period of between 3 months and 4 years. They ranged in age from 19 years to 35 years. Two (2) of the African participants (1 male and 1 female) were graduate students with the male pursuing a master’s programme in Agricultural Science and the female pursuing a PhD in Sociology. The remaining were undergrads who were in Business School, Medical School, Psychology, and Sociology majors while the visiting international students were taking courses mainly in the Colleges of Humanities and Basic and Applied Sciences.

Data collection tool

Transferability

The analysis approach employed numerous qualitative techniques, including member verification. The study themes and categories developed in the transcripts were extensively examined utilizing formal or informal validation procedures [43, 44]. Once more, because of the numerous unique data points used, the researchers employed a data triangulation technique. Furthermore, participants engaged in the fieldwork for an extended period, which improved the rapport between the researchers and respondents and enabled the collection of detailed data [44]. Additionally, peer debriefing in which colleagues with various research interests interact with the data was employed. This assisted the researchers in identifying potential biases and providing clarification on how to interpret the data [44].

Data analyses

The study employed a qualitative thematic analysis approach grounded in IPA [45]. The field interviews were audio tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim to ensure that participants’ responses were captured in their true and original state. Strong rapport allowed participants to narrate their experiences freely and openly. The shortest interview lasted 40 minutes while the longest lasted an hour and 28 minutes. Before each interview began, participants were given consent forms to read and understand, ask questions if they needed clarity on anything, sign two copies of the consent, keep one, and return one before the interview began. The participants were assured of the confidentiality of the information they provided, the anonymous nature of the interview, and the fact that they could discontinue the study even if they had started the interview.

The field data were later transcribed, and the transcripts were named using the participant’s gender, continent of origin, and a number depending on the order in which they were interviewed. The first male participant from the African continent was named “M1, African”, and the first female participant from Asia was named “F1, Asian” and so on using IPA analysis strategies [37]. The steps followed as outlined by the [37] the guide was that each transcript was read and re-read to assess the key emergent themes for the whole group allowing for what [46] describe as an iterative process as there was a very close interaction between reader and text. Secondly, linkages between quotes that shed light on group-level themes were established and they were further linked to recurrent themes. Finally, themes were verified and summarized, and analytical connections were made among the themes [37], to ensure a sound, coherent, and analytical write-up.

Using [45] thematic analysis, the codes derived from the data were categorized into themes. The coding process began with a three-step reading of each transcript and matching each transcript with the field notes. This gave the data’s hand coding a strong foundation. The study’s objectives were achieved by sorting and categorizing these codes based on themes. After a theme analysis approach was used to examine the codes taken out of the transcripts, they were grouped into more focused subjects for further analysis. The first step in this research technique is to compare codes with arguments to find similar patterns. The different acculturative stressors and their suggested remedies were identified through a review of the numerous themes derived from the field transcripts. As a result, three (3) main themes, twelve (12) sub-themes, and eighteen (18) sub-sub-themes were derived from the in-depth interviews conducted (see Figs 2 and 3) after continuous comparisons with the various data sets were used to build the themes. This paper ascertains how themes link to the underlying ideas by employing them as a guide.

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Fig 2. Theme and sub-themes of uncomfortable experiences associated with acculturative stress.

Source: Field study.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0311123.g002

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Fig 3. Themes and sub-sub-themes of social support.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0311123.g003

Thus, employing the thematic analysis approach this paper identified intriguing patterns in data, thereby guiding researchers to address the key objectives of the study. Thematic analysis provided the researchers with an organized, yet flexible, approach to interact deeply with the data and modify the approach to fit the objective of the data analysis [45]. The analysis of the in-depth interviews took the sequence as delineated by Berg [47] (p. 240):

• Collation of field research notes and transcription of audio interviews;
• Developing data codes (logically inductive) from the field data;
• Transformation of data codes into comprehensive labels or themes;
• Organisation of themes, labels, and categories by identifying and sorting similar phrases, patterns, relationships, and commonalties or disparities;
• The fragmented categories and labels that were sorted and scrutinised into meaningful and manageable transcripts to segment patterns, thoughts, and processes; and
• The segmented patterns identified in the transcripts were carefully interpreted juxtaposing them to previous studies, theories, and frameworks to construct some level of generalisations.

Using a triangulation method [48] the interviews conducted with all the study participants were triangulated with the documentary literature to ensure data accuracy and robustness of the interpretation [49, 50]. To ensure participants’ confidentiality, this paper utilised pseudo-variables to present the empirical findings of this paper. To evaluate the study’s robustness, the "four-dimension criteria" of qualitative research; credibility, dependability, confirmability, and transferability were employed [51]. The study established data saturation, ensured a high level of consistency, and achieved intercoder agreement among different coders. Moreover, other modified strategies used included well-organized data collection procedures, defined participants, and participation as well as substantial data reliability through multiple coding of the transcripts [43, 44, 52].

Ethical considerations

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the University of Ghana (UG) Ethics Committee for the Humanities (ECH), Legon, Accra Ghana (Ethic reference number: ECH O59/15-16).

Findings

Social support in dealing with acculturative stress

Finding out how the students were coping with the socio-cultural and academic difficulties that made life difficult for them was essential because being an international student in Ghana seems to be a challenging one judging from the earlier discussions. The main strategy adopted by respondents to cope with the stressful circumstances they were having was to seek social support from friends, particularly local friends, and fellow foreign students as well as from local hosts or families.