Introduction

South Africa has one of the highest rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) globally [1]. IPV, as defined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), refers to “physical violence, sexual violence, stalking and psychological aggression, including coercive tactics, by a current or former intimate partner (i.e., spouse, boyfriend/girlfriend, dating partner, or ongoing sexual partner)” [2]. In most heterosexual relationships in South Africa, men are the users (i.e., perpetrators) of violence rather than the ones experiencing it [3]. The impact that IPV has on women and girls in South Africa are numerous. IPV can cause immediate and direct health consequences such as acquisition of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV [4]. Physical injury is also commonly reported. Other adverse effects of IPV can be seen through diverse mental health outcomes including depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), substance use, and diminished self-esteem [5]. If a woman is pregnant at the time of IPV exposure, indirect health issues, such as low birth weight of child and premature birth of a baby are also possible [1]. Death is another potential outcome of IPV. The WHO estimates between 40–70 percent of female murders that occur globally are committed by a husband or boyfriend, often in the context of an abusive relationship [6].

Data collected in South Africa highlights the varying prevalence of IPV. Some of the underlying causes that impact IPV prevalence can be attributed to geographic location, age, gender, and by study [7]. For example, the most recent Demographic and Health Survey reported that over 25 percent of ever-partnered adult women have experienced IPV during their lifetime with 13 percent reported experiencing IPV in the last year [8]. Among non-representative samples, Selin et al. (2019) reported a 37 percent prevalence of IPV in adolescent girls aged 13–20 years living in rural South Africa [9]. Zembe et al. found a much higher prevalence of IPV, 86 percent, among young women aged 16–24 years residing in the urban city of Cape Town, South Africa [10].

While the majority of research that is conducted on IPV–both globally and in South Africa–focuses on women’s perspective, some data have been collected among men. In a study by Dunkle et al., quantitative surveys with 1275 young men in rural South Africa found 31.8 percent of the participants self-reported using violence against their female partner [11]. Of these, the primary type of violence used was solely physical (71.9 percent). The next common form of violence reported was both physical and sexual violence (16.8 percent) [11]. The use of only sexual violence was the least common (11.3 percent). In a study conducted by Jewkes et al. (2008) across three South African districts, men self-reported a prevalence of using physical IPV at 30.7 percent [12]. Within this study, disclosure of men who raped their partner was 29.6 percent [12]. In peri-urban township settings near Johannesburg and eThekwini (Durban), roughly half of men reported using some form of IPV within the last year [12, 13]. Integral to providing effective primary prevention is understanding the male perspective of IPV, particularly in a context where violence is used more than the global average [1].

Despite the high prevalence of men’s use of IPV in South Africa, much less is known about the key factors contributing to male violent behavior in this geographic context. Some men may consider violence as a way to maintain power and dominance over women, and enact hegemonic masculinity [14]. According to the Theory of Gender and Power, social norms can exacerbate men’s use of IPV in settings where male dominance tends to be acceptable [15]. Recent literature on hegemonic masculinity, however, argues that masculinities are configurations of behaviors developed over time and that understanding men’s life histories is critical to interpret the role of masculinity in IPV [16]. Unfortunately, there is a paucity of research establishing which exposures at various levels of the social ecology across the life-course lead to South African men’s use of IPV and men’s interpretation of their experiences. Further, it is rare that interventions are able to effectively reduce the use of IPV utilized by men [17]. The primary aim and objective of this research is to explore adult male perceptions of IPV in a peri-urban township setting in South Africa by conducting a secondary analysis of a pre-collected qualitative data set. This information will be used to further understand why men use violence and provide a framework to developing acceptable, effective interventions. The secondary aim is to explore key aspects of early life trauma and what impact that has on adult relationships.

Methods

Results

Discussion

This qualitative study investigated the complexities behind IPV from the male perspective in a low resource setting with high community violence and IPV in South Africa. While there is a vast literature on gender power dynamics and IPV, there is a gap in research on men’s perceptions of factors that influence the use of IPV, particularly in global settings [21]. At each level of the social ecology (sociocultural, economic, interpersonal and familial, and individual), male participants in the present study provided examples of influential factors connected to the use of IPV against women, supporting prior research on the usefulness of applying the social ecological model to the study of IPV [12, 13, 22]. Unfortunately, our participants emphasized the high levels of various types of violence in the community, which created an atmosphere where violence, including IPV, became normalized.

This study revealed the importance of the life course perspective and social learning on adult men’s perceptions and behaviors, including the use of IPV. The findings of the present study are in line with the Intergenerational Transmission of Violence Theory and social learning theory, which both posit that individuals will imitate the behaviors of influential role models, including interpersonal violence they may have witnessed in their household as children [23, 24]. Our participants explicitly described how men in this setting often engage in behaviors that they observed from male role models (“[I] do what my dad does”). This included the use of violence as a form of discipline for children, the use of IPV against women, and substance use. Prior research from multiple global settings has similarly reported that experiencing childhood abuse and growing up with domestic violence are risk factors for IPV [25, 26]. Our findings highlight that the men in the present study are consciously aware of this connection and viewed the violence they witnessed or experienced as problematic. Despite this recognition, none of the participants described explicit attempts to stop the intergenerational cycle of IPV against women. Conversely, some participants did describe active attempts to stop the cycle of physical violence against children (e.g., talking instead of spanking). More research is needed to explore how men in different contexts understand the consequences of experiencing violence as a child (direct victimization) compared to witnessing violence against women (indirect/vicarious victimization), which could be leveraged in future prevention efforts.

Our participants continuously highlighted the complexities of how Black South African men are expected to attain dominant cultural standards of masculinity within the constraints of post-colonial/post-apartheid economic marginalization [27, 28]. In our interviews, men consistently endorsed the notion that to fulfil masculine gender norms, they are expected to work outside the home and be the main financial providers of the family. Most participants described coming to the peri-urban township setting in hopes of finding employment, yet they remained jobless. Finding employment was extremely difficult in this setting due to high levels of unemployment and economic precarity. When men could not adequately fulfill their expected masculine role as the breadwinner, men often experienced a high level of stress, which was subsequently exhibited in the form of violence, including IPV. Prior research has also noted that income loss and an increased time at home are both drivers of IPV [29]. We concur with other scholars who argue that IPV researchers need to consider how constructions of masculinity in Sub-Saharan African settings are entangled in complex heteropatriarchal-capitalist configurations based on a unique historical political economy that has disenfranchised certain groups of men [27, 30].

Yet, our participants reported a somewhat contradictory observation that men’s greater access to economic resources compared to women, when combined with gender norms legitimizing violence, can also exacerbate IPV. This finding supports prior research indicating that in societies where there is unequal access to economic or political resources by gender, the likelihood of IPV against women increases [31, 32]. In our interviews, participants described that when men were successfully able to fulfil their role as the financial provider, women could be in a situation where they are forced to endure IPV because of their economic dependence on the male partner. Prior research has similarly reported that when women are dependent on men for economic and social capital, a potential consequence can be the acceptance of IPV and staying in violent relationships [33]. While some gender norms differed by participant, men typically emphasized hegemonic masculine ideals, including entitlement over women [34]. Further, within the context of the study location, it is not uncommon for lobola, or bride price, to be paid from the man to the bride’s family prior to marriage, which may additionally increase men’s level of entitlement and acceptance of IPV because they “own women” [35].

Alcohol use, the most prominent theme we discovered, has been associated with violent crimes, anger and IPV [36]. This, however, is not a new finding. Researchers have been looking for a causal link between alcohol and violence for over thirty years [37]. While it is hard to pinpoint the mechanism, it is clear that excessive alcohol exacerbates violence. Further, the primary form of social networking in the peri-urban township took place at bars, or shebeens, where alcohol consumption occured. Participants described IPV to either start at the bar, if the male brought his female partner with him, or it began when he went back home.

Current programs, such as Sonke Gender Justice, exist to help implement gender transformative interventions. Sonke Gender Justice holds trainings that aim to reduce gender inequality, and engage men in IPV prevention efforts [38]. Equimundo, founded in Brazil, is another organization that works globally to engage men in gender equality. Their programs include breaking down traditional gender norms, empowering women in the economy, and combating homophobia [39]. Other gender transformative programs include the qualitative evaluation by Gibbs et al. on the Stepping Stone’s intervention, which worked to transform men’s gender norms, build gender equality, and enhance men’s economic opportunities [40].

The use of qualitative research in this topic area is important because it allows for the community members to describe their own experiences with IPV and greater clarity surrounding the topic can be acquired. This research helps to fill the gap as it highlights areas in which our attention could be focused on, particularly alcohol use, economic opportunities for men, gender norms, and breaking the cycle for family violence. The findings from this study will be used in the future as formative work for creating culturally appropriate primary prevention strategies. Further research should focus on developing and implementing acceptable and effective intervention approaches to prevent men from ever using IPV. In addition to the more common interventions aimed at assisting women experiencing IPV, work should also focus on assisting men to cease their use of IPV.

Conclusion

In this study with 30 men living in a peri-urban township of South Africa, we exploried their perceptions of IPV. The main themes were that gender power dynamics, early life trauma, alcohol consumption, and lack of economic opportunities were perceived to fuel IPV enacted by men towards women. This highlighted the various levels of the social ecology that need to be addressed in order to prevent men’s use of IPV. Integral to providing effective primary prevention is understanding the male perspective of IPV, particularly in a context where violence is used more than the global average. While IPV interventions overall are lacking, those that exist primarily focus on limiting the harmful effects that women experience after an IPV event rather than promoting primary or secondary prevention strategies among those who use violence.

Supporting information

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank the reviewers, as well as Ruari McBride, Shehnaz Munshi, and Nkululeko Ndlovu who led primary data collection.