Introduction

This article focuses on older migrants in Sweden and their experiences of access to and participation in different meeting places. In Sweden, twelve percent of people aged 65 years and older have migrated to Sweden at some point during their lives, and this amount is presumed to double in size by the year 2030 [1]. However, older migrants are a heterogeneous group in terms of country of origin, reasons for migration, age of migration which may result in differences in health, living conditions, and degree of social inclusion [2]. Migrants in Sweden are more frequently exposed to social exclusion, entailing income poverty but also the risk of being socially isolated [3]. Other barriers to form and maintain social contacts outside of the family context after migration may be a shorter residence in the new country and restricted skills in the language spoken in the new country [4].Promoting the access to meeting places for older migrants, who are at risk of social isolation [5], may be a way to promote social connectedness among this group and reduce the risk of poor health; risk of depression, cognitive decline and mortality [6]. Since older migrants in Sweden face a higher risk of being poor in older age [7]. The financial aspect of accessibility to meeting places may therefore be argued for this group. For example, correlations between low income and low education and high use of library as a meeting place have been found in studies from Norway. More knowledge is needed regarding how older migrants experience and value meeting places. Gaining more insight into this matter may entail a way of finding health promoting interventions for his group.

Various definitions exist of what constitutes a meeting place. It can be defined as a place for social gatherings encompassing organized social venues such as associations, interest organizations, or senior centers arranged by Long-term care services. Furthermore, it can relate to spontaneous meeting places such as cafés, squares, and parks. Even though the physical environmental aspect of a meeting place is crucial, it can also be viewed as a social construction, as individuals create the meaning of a meeting place in their social interaction with others [8]. Previous research on meeting places for older people has often focused on senior centers, also known as Community Centers for seniors. Extensive research from the North American context describes this type of meeting place ([9–12]). This research indicates that older migrants are less likely to participate in senior centers and points to the need for such places to adapt to the changing interests and needs of the older population ([5, 10, 11]). Since the risk of being poor is higher among older migrants, some meeting places may be more accessible for some groups of older migrants in the older population.

Furthermore, negative perceptions of ageing can create barriers to participation in social meeting places explicitly aimed at older people ([5, 10]). Most studies conducted in the Swedish context on older migrants’ participation in meeting places have focused on senior centres targeting older people from a specific country [13–15]. The results from these studies show that such meeting places are regarded as opportunities to meet people who speak the native language but that such places create a dilemma since they, at the same time, can be encountered as barriers to social inclusion. There is a lack of studies that have applied a more open definition of what constitutes a meeting place and which meeting places older migrants consider valuable in establishing and maintaining social contacts.

For gerontological social work, it is essential to gain more profound knowledge about older migrants’ experiences of the significance of meeting places to promote social-inclusion. The knowledge sought is especially valuable to live up to the ethical values of social work, promote participation in society, and secure equal opportunities for all to access health and social care services. Furthermore, as older migrants are at risk of poorer health and since meeting places are essential to the wellbeing, the topic of older migrants experiences of meeting places can also be motivated from a health and wellbeing perspective ([5, 16]). Increased health risks emerge among people migrating late in life and those who have been in the country for more extended periods ([17, 18]). In summary, while literature focusing on meeting places targeting older people in general or older people from a specific country are vast; less attention has been given to which meeting places older migrants consider as valuable in establishing and maintaining social contacts. The aim of this study was, therefore, to explore the experiences of older migrants’ access to and participation in different meeting places.

Methodology

Results

The analysis resulted in four code groups with nine subcategories: Everyday places become meeting places; Organized meeting places support social contacts; Meeting places as identity markers and Barriers to accessing meeting places. The four groups entailed nine subcategories (see Table 1).

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Table 1. Older people’s perceptions of places to meet.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0292730.t001

Discussion

The findings show that the participants attended various meeting places to establish and maintain social contacts. Previous literature on older migrants’ participation in meeting places, in the Swedish context, has focused on meeting places targeting older people from a specific country ([13–15]). However, the results of this study demonstrate the significance of meeting places that do not specifically target older people in general or older people from a specific country. The results demonstrate how everyday places in the neighborhood, which were not primarily meant to be meeting places, were used to create and uphold social contacts and thus promoted social inclusion. These results align with previous findings [22]. Research focusing on meeting places for older adults has often studied the significance of senior centers (Dal Santo, 2009). In addition, the participants told how they formed social relationships at different associations or clubs created for social purposes. These results demonstrate that the participants had access to social contexts where they established social contacts. Nevertheless, previous studies show that older migrants in Sweden are less likely to participate socially than Swedish-born older adults [23]. Further research is therefore needed to investigate in more depth how older migrants’ social relationships can be promoted on an overall level; the participants’ experiences of the significance of the meeting places and the social relationships they brought could be understood as contributing to a sense of belonging [23]. Meeting with and establishing bonds with people in everyday places in the neighborhood contributed to experiences of community and trust. Other places where they had more actively engaged themselves, such as the condominium association, were also felt to provide mutuality. However, every day and formal meeting places were used to establish and develop relationships that could result in an exchange of practical and emotional support. These results align with some previous Swedish studies that describe the local community as a context for care and support ([24, 25]).

Furthermore, the participants’ self-identification and identification with others emerged as gate openers and gatekeepers in accessing various meeting places. Perceptions of not belonging to certain meeting places could form barriers preventing participation in some meeting places. As shown before, self-identification and identification with others could contribute to a sense of belonging [26]. These perceptions mainly occurred as an idea of being too old or young to visit certain meeting places. Such attitudes can be interpreted as ageism, i.e., revealing internalized negative attitudes towards old age and ageing, restricting older people’s thoughts and actions [27, 28]. Furthermore, they reveal how stereotypical images of ageing may harm the attractiveness of organized meeting points geared to older people.

In line with previous research, we argue that senior centers need to adapt to the diverse and changing needs of the older population ([10, 11]). Strained financial situations also hinder participating in comparatively expensive activities like travelling. Previous findings highlight how factors such as previous work history and marital status interact with financial constraints in old age, especially for women [29, 30].In addition, some of the participants pointed to language as a barrier to participating in meeting places where the majority spoke Swedish. These experiences can be interpreted as different degrees of social inclusion, gaining access but not participation [31], which is in line with previous literature indicating that restricted language proficiency in the new country constitutes a barrier for older migrants in making social contacts [4]. Although all the participants were retired, and thus, the workplace no longer offered a possible meeting place for social contacts; having a job after migration seemed to be of great significance for whether a person had learned Swedish. These results highlight the significance of previous integration in the labour market for social participation in old age. While barriers such as ageism may not be unique to older migrants, financial constraints and the language barrier might be. Previous literature demonstrates that migrants in Sweden are more frequently exposed to social exclusion, such as chronic unemployment and economic problems [2, 32]. The participants’ perceived obstacles in accessing meeting places due to the language barrier and financial constraints may also be understood as differences in migrants’ and Swedish-born older adults’ capabilities [33]. Thus, even though older people may have access to the same meeting places, they might not have the same possibility. Finally, the results show that older migrants’ life conditions should be considered in terms of how experiences and historical events affect the person’s life story, considering barriers to access.