Fig 1.
Oscillogram and spectrogram with estimated formant locations (5 formants assumed till 5kHz) at the critical juncture of one experimental item (attur, Engl., ‘actor’) with glottal stop (A) and glottalization (B).
Table 1.
Mean accuracy in % and reaction time in ms (SD for single trials in brackets) for Experiment 1.
Fig 2.
Fixation proportions in Experiment 1.
Note that the vertical dotted lines indicate the analysis window, 200–600 ms after target-word onset.
Fig 3.
Outcome of the general additive model for target preference comparing vowel-initial words with glottal stop-initial words.
Fig 4.
Mean reaction times in milliseconds in Experiment 2.
Note that Mean reaction times (RT) and error bars were calculated on log(RT) and then transformed back to raw RT for easier readability. Error bars indicate the standard error for within-participant designs [53].
Fig 5.
Fixation proportion in Experiment 2 relative to target word onset.
Fig 6.
Reaction times from Experiment 2 compared with those from Experiment 1.
Fig 7.
Eye-tracking results from Experiment 2 compared with those from Experiment 1.
Note that in Experiment 1, vowel-initial targets were presented with an epenthetic glottal stop, and in Experiment 2, they were presented without such a stop. For glottal stop-initial targets, the signals in the two experiments were identical, but participants might have learned that a glottal stop was unlikely to be epenthetic, which would rule out vowel-initial targets from the onset-competitors.
Fig 8.
Reaction times from Experiment 3 (/t/-initial words) compared with Experiment 2 (/ʔ/-initial words).
Fig 9.
Eye-movement data from Experiment 3 (/t/-initial words) compared with Experiment 2 (/ʔ/-initial words).
Fig 10.
Outcome of the general additive model for target preference comparing vowel-initial words with stop-initial words (/t/-initial or /ʔ/-initial).