Table 1.
Environmental and socio-demographic characteristics of study site and interview participants (n = 76) in East Caprivi, Namibia [64].
Figure 1.
Concept maps illustrating participants' perceptions of risk to livelihoods.
Focus group participants (n = 33; men = 16; women = 17) generated a list of risks to their livelihoods and described them. Responses are displayed in a gender-segregated concept map presenting the “overarching risk themes,” “theme attributes,” and “attribute descriptions.” Fig. 1A displays responses anchored in the “people dimension,” Fig. 1B displays responses anchored in the “wildlife dimension,” and Fig. 1C displays responses anchored in the “habitat dimension.” Boldfaced type illustrates concepts common across men and women. Italicized type illustrates concepts participants related to human-wildlife conflict (HWC). Men and women viewed some risks to local livelihoods differently. For example, within the “people” dimension, women offered breadth of detail about “overarching risk themes” and “theme attributes” and men offered depth of detail when describing “overarching risk themes” and “theme attributes.” Even when men and women similarly identified the “overarching risk themes” of flooding, deforestation, and agriculture within the “habitat” dimension, the “theme attributes” and “attribute descriptions” were different.
Figure 2.
Concept maps illustrating participants' perceptions of risk to wildlife.
Focus group participants (n = 32; men = 15; women = 17) generated a list of risks to local wildlife and described them. Responses are displayed in a gender-segregated concept map presenting “overarching risk themes,” “theme attributes.” and “attribute descriptions.” Fig. 2A displays responses anchored in the “people dimension,” Fig. 2B displays responses anchored in the “wildlife dimension,” and Fig. 2C displays responses anchored in the “habitat dimension.” Boldfaced type illustrates concepts common across men and women. Italicized type illustrates concepts participants related to human-wildlife conflict (HWC). Men and women identified diverse “overarching risk themes,” theme attributes” and “theme descriptions.” For example, although men and women identified pollution, including noise, as a threat to wildlife, the attribute noise was “described” differently. Men and women identified “overarching risk themes” of human activities such as hunting; only men distinguished legal from illegal hunting and noted how lack of work created risks.
Figure 3.
Percentage of respondents rating categories of human-wildlife conflict as highly dreadful to livelihoods and wildlife.
Interview respondents (n = 76; men = 38; women = 38) rated various categories of human-wildlife conflict as being a “no,” “low,” “medium,” or “high” level of dreadfulness to them personally. Response categories were recoded into dichotomous responses of “low” and “high” (highly) dreadfulness. Fig. 3A illustrates responses when the human-wildlife conflict (HWC) risk target (i.e., the recipient of negative consequences of the risk) was local livelihoods. Fig. 3B illustrates responses when the HWC risk target was local wildlife. There was a high level of agreement among men and women when the risk target was local livelihoods, with the exception of “human-human conflict” that results from HWC, and less agreement among men and women when the risk target was local wildlife.
Table 2.
Effect of gender (men = 38; women = 38) on attitudes toward human wildlife conflict related risks in East Caprivi, Namibia.