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Abstract
In India, persons with tuberculosis (PWTB) and their households experience significant disease-related stigma. The objective of this narrative review was to conduct a review of existing literature related to the types of stigma experienced by PWTB and their household members, with a focus on the effects of stigma, possible interventions, and gender differences. A literature search was conducted on PubMed, EMBASE, and Web of Science using key search terms. We found that tuberculosis (TB)-related stigma has negative effects on emotional and mental health, relationships, and treatment adherence. Women experience a higher burden of TB stigma compared to men. Moreover, TB stigma can affect mental well-being and lead directly to reductions in the number of PTWB seeking treatment, treatment adherence, and treatment completion. All these factors can lead to negative health outcomes for the PWTB, higher costs to the government, and even the spread of the infectious disease to other members of the community. The consequences of TB-related stigma require additional attention.
Citation: Carwile ME, Prakash Babu S, Cintron C, Dauphinais M, Pan SJ, Thulasingam M, et al. (2025) TB stigma in India: A narrative review of types of stigma, gender differences, and potential interventions. PLOS Glob Public Health 5(9): e0005109. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0005109
Editor: Amrita Daftary, York University, CANADA
Published: September 22, 2025
Copyright: © 2025 Carwile et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Funding: This work was supported by the National Institutes of Health [grant number K01AI167733-01 to PS], Warren Alpert Foundation [grant number 6005415 to PS], the Burroughs Wellcome Fund/American Society for Tropical Medicine and Hygiene to PS, the Civilian Research and Development Foundation [grant number DAA3-19-65673-1 to PS], and a career development award from the Boston University School of Medicine Department of Medicine to PS. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Introduction
Tuberculosis (TB) has regained its status as the leading infectious killer worldwide after briefly ceding that position to COVID-19 [1]. India shoulders a quarter of the global burden of TB, with an estimated incidence of 2.82 million cases and 342,000 deaths in 2022 [2]. TB inflicts severe economic stress on persons with TB (PWTB). Eliminating catastrophic costs is a key End-TB Strategy goal, and the economic impacts of TB have been well studied [3], but less focus has been given to the social impacts of TB, including stigma [4]. TB stigma continues to be a significant problem in India. One study from Chennai showed that an estimated 69% of PWTB experienced a social impact from TB, compared to the 30% that experienced an economic impact (with 24% experiencing both) [4]. Indeed, in a 2004 study examining stigma indices in four countries using a quantitative approach, India was found to have the highest stigma index (1.17 compared to 0.99, 0.85, and 1.03 in Bangladesh, Malawi, and Colombia, respectively) [5].
Stigma is often at the root of social impacts such as difficulties with family, work, and education. Stigma is the labeling of an individual with an undesirable stereotype, which results in discrimination and social rejection [6]. Stigma includes discrimination against those that are seen as different from others, and individuals who are concerned about experiencing stigma may choose to hide their stigmatized identity or otherwise minimize the negative consequences [7]. As such, higher levels of stigma may increase the barriers to detection and decrease treatment adherence [8–11]. While other studies of TB stigma in India have focused on one particular geographic area or one dimension of stigma, we did not find reviews that addressed diverse regions and different types of stigma. This narrative review aims to describe the effects of TB-related stigma across India, focusing primarily on the disparate experiences of men and women with TB.
Methods
We conducted a literature search using PubMed, EMBASE, and Web of Science using the following key search terms: ‘Tuberculosis,’ ‘social impact,’ ‘gender,’ ‘India,’ and ‘stigma.’ Within PubMed, we used more targeted MeSH terms to improve the accuracy and completeness of the results (see S1 Text). We reviewed the titles and abstracts of the first 200 search results to find relevant terms. We included all studies up to May 19, 2025 in the search parameters, with no restriction on the start date. We found additional references by reviewing the bibliographies of the articles found through database search.
Initial screening of abstracts and articles was conducted by a primary reviewer, assisted by a student assistant. Selected articles were subsequently cross-checked independently by a second reviewer to ensure reliability. After resolving duplicate results and excluding studies where stigma was not a main focus, we identified 44 relevant studies related to the effects of TB-related stigma in India. The papers we present in this narrative review used both quantitative and qualitative methods (that involved in-depth interviews with pre-coded themes, with several using the semi-structured Explanatory Model Interview Catalogue [EMIC], which allows for quantifying stigma using validated indices) [12]. Additional studies were also used in our analysis to examine potential interventions for TB-related stigma.
Disease-related stigma, including TB stigma, is often categorized into four types: anticipated stigma, perceived community stigma, enacted stigma, and internalized stigma, although there are some differences in how these categories are defined, particularly the definition of perceived stigma [13]. While some studies use ‘perceived stigma’ to refer to self-perceived stigma by PWTB, in this review we focused on perceived community stigma. We defined the terms as follows. Anticipated stigma occurs when a person believes that they will be stereotyped or discriminated against by others [6]. Perceived community stigma refers to those without the disease treating those affected by the disease differently or considering them to be different [13]. Enacted stigma refers to specific, actual experiences of discrimination or negative treatment [14]. Internalized stigma occurs when individuals endorse negative stereotypes and apply them to themselves [13].
Results
Through our search strategy, we identified 44 papers, which are summarized in Table 1. A map of the study locations can be found in Fig 1. Fig 2 displays examples of the four types of stigma from Indian study participants.
Review papers and those using data from across India are not included in this map.
Anticipated stigma
Anticipated stigma most commonly manifests in a desire to hide one’s own disease status or the disease status of family members [15–22]. A 2010 study of 1,977 PWTB found that 60% of the respondents hid their disease status from neighbors and friends [15]. In a 2021 study of pregnant women in Pune, 29% stated that they would hide their disease status if they were to develop TB [23], while another study found that 13.8% of women and 17.5% of men would be secretive about the TB diagnosis of a family member [18]. Similarly, a 2020 study found that 18.6% of men and 19.4% of women would hide the TB status of a family member [24]. A 2023 study found that 73% of PWTB wanted to keep others from knowing about their TB status [25]. This desire to hide one’s disease status was associated with fears of rejection and discrimination, which were reported by 38% and 31% of respondents, respectively, in data collected in 2007 in Chennai [4]. In other studies, PWTB revealed fear of being excluded from work or school if they revealed their TB diagnosis, or if someone discovered their TB status based on their symptoms [13,20,26].
The desire to hide disease status from family members was less common [4,15,27]. In a 2020 study of PWTB in Kolkata, 98.5% of PWTB disclosed their disease status to family, compared to 66.4% to neighbors and 62.1% to colleagues [28]. In a study using 33 in-depth interviews of PWTB in Karnataka, younger PWTB were more likely to hide their disease compared to older PWTB [27]. Persons in rural areas had less success than those in urban areas due to increased interactions with neighbors [27].
Perceived community stigma
A study of over 4,000 members of the general population in 30 districts of India found that 73% and 98% of respondents, respectively, had stigmatizing and discriminating views towards PWTB [29]. Community members stated that PWTB were a threat to the community and that they would not share a meal with a PWTB [29]. In a study in Delhi, community members associated developing TB with engaging in “deviant” behaviors, such as using drugs or alcohol or engaging in indiscriminate sexual activity [22].
Researchers interviewed 80 male and 80 female community members in Maharashtra after presenting them with vignettes describing PWTB [30]. The respondents described a desire to stay away from PWTB and their children and felt that PWTB and their belongings should be isolated [30]. Perceived stigma also intersects with anticipated stigma, with community respondents stating that other people would be likely to stigmatize PWTB. For instance, one respondent explained that:
People will not talk to her. They will not go near her or eat food cooked by her. Her family members will keep her utensils separate. Even while offering tea, she will clean the utensils with hot water [30].
Perceived stigma has important implications for marital prospects of PWTB and their family members. Respondents stated that arranging marriages for PWTB and their family members would be challenging and there would also be difficulties in current marriages, such as marital discord or a lack of support [30]. In a survey in Mysore in 2012, 35% of high school students said that PWTB should not get married [31].
A 2014 survey on 212 physicians in Pune found that only 49% of the physicians reported compassion and a desire to help PWTB [32]. Stigma from physicians has serious implications, including lower treatment completion rates among PWTB who felt unsupported during their treatment [27,32,33]. Importantly, physicians who attended a training program or knew a colleague with TB were three times more likely to report compassion and a desire to help compared to physicians who did not do so [32].
Enacted stigma
Enacted stigma could come from community members, family members, and healthcare workers. While experiences of enacted stigma were less common than anticipated and perceived stigma, enacted stigma was substantially higher in women than in men. For instance, women experienced more community gossip and verbal abuse than men [13]. Moreover, women reported engagements being called off after their TB diagnosis [13]. Married women mentioned abandonment and isolation from both their husbands and other family members after receiving their TB diagnosis [34]. PWTB and their household members also described not being allowed to use common areas or bathrooms, relatives refusing to eat or drink at their house, losing their jobs, and having their neighbors prevent their children from playing together [19,21].
Healthcare workers were also sources of enacted stigma. In a 2003 study of PWTB who left treatment before completion, PWTB cited rude behavior from healthcare workers as a reason for discontinuing treatment [33], as did PWTB in a 2016 study in Gujarat [35]. In a 2015 qualitative study of PWTB who were lost to follow-up, PWTB reported poor treatment from their healthcare providers [36], while a qualitative study from 2021 found that nearly a quarter of PWTB interviewed had experienced negative treatment from their healthcare providers [19]. In a qualitative photovoice study from 2023, a participant shared a story of being shouted at and forced to wait until all non-TB patients had left before she would be seen by healthcare providers [21]. Other participants shared similar stories of being reprimanded or moved to the end of the waiting room line.
Internalized stigma
PWTB reported decreased self-worth due to their TB status [13,21], as well as feelings of shame and embarrassment [25]. In a study of 202 pregnant women with and without latent TB, 40% stated that it was shameful to have TB [23].
PWTB also described feelings of anxiety and depression, as well as suicidal ideation due to stigma [17,19,37,38]. A 2024 study found that 37.5% of persons with MDR-TB experienced depression, while 45.2% experienced anxiety, significantly higher than their household contacts [37]. Stigma was associated with three-fold higher odds of depression and two-fold higher odds of anxiety among PWTB [37]. Persons with higher internalized and perceived stigma are more likely to develop depression, which negatively affects adherence [39].
Gender differences in stigma
The majority of studies showed that women experience disproportionately greater TB stigma. One study found that the odds of stigma were 13.25 (95% CI 4.14-42.1) times higher in women compared to men [25]. Only one study, a 2008 study of 276 PWTB in southern India, found no gender difference in social stigma, and reported that males had higher perceived stigma compared to women [40].
Compared to men, female PWTB described more anticipated stigma and faced more pressure to keep their disease status secret, even from family members [34,36,41]. In interviews of 2,115 PWTB in Tiruvallur, women were more likely than men to describe feeling inhibited discussing their treatment with family members (21% of women vs 14% of men) [9]. Community respondents stated that women were more likely to hide their TB diagnosis due to greater fears of isolation and rejection [42]. In a 1997 study in Mumbai that consisted of sixteen in-depth interviews with PWTB attending a government clinic, the women described a desire to hide their disease status, as well as increased difficulties doing so due to closer monitoring of their movements compared to men [41]. As women are more likely than men to work as domestic workers, they are particularly vulnerable to dismissal if their employers learned of their TB status [41]. Women even reported hiding their disease status from their husbands and fearing that their disease status stigmatized their children [34]. In a 2008 study, female sex was significantly associated with diagnostic delay, partially due to disease-related stigma exacerbated by gender [34].
A study in Kerala that presented community members with vignettes focusing on PWTB found that stigma was highest among women receiving female vignettes (p < 0.0001) [43]. Moreover, perceived stigma as it pertains to marital prospects disproportionately affects women. Female PWTB and their family members regularly described fearing reduced marriage prospects due to TB stigma [13,17,22,36,41]. Stigma can also have a negative effect on the matrimonial prospects of unmarried siblings and children of women with TB [17,19,22]. Community respondents stated that men - but not women - would be able to get married after recovering from TB [13]. Community members in Maharashtra, particularly men, disclosed that they did not want their sons to marry women with a history of TB [42]. Indeed, in a 2021 study in Tamil Nadu, five household members of PWTB divulged hiding either their wife’s or daughter’s TB diagnosis so that their daughters’ marriage prospects would not be affected [19].
The majority of studies found that women experienced more enacted stigma due to their TB status compared to men [5,8,9,15,17,20,36,41,44]. It is unclear whether there are gender differences in internalized stigma.
Not only do women experience greater stigma than men, they also receive less support than men. Two studies found that married female PWTB received less family support than married male or unmarried female PWTB [41,44]. While men generally reported their main concerns as being loss of wages and an inability to work, women primarily mentioned concerns regarding rejection from their husbands and in-laws [41]. Among PWTB in southern India, 69% of men but only 31% of women received support from their in-laws [40]. Women also described leaving treatment due to the pressure of household activities. In one study, community members stated that women would be obliged to support their husbands if they developed TB, but men would not be obliged to support their wives [42].
Impacts of stigma
Stigma is connected to mental health, with perceived stigma significantly associated with depression (AOR 3.2, 95% CI 1.1-5.3) and anxiety (AOR 2.2, 95% CI 1.1-6.3) in those with MDR-TB [37].
A 2010 study conducted 21 in-depth interviews with PWTB and 13 in-depth interviews with community health workers in Gujarat Province [17]. They found that PWTB reported fearing the disclosure of their disease more than they feared TB itself [17]. This fear of disclosure can have a direct impact on seeking medical care, reducing treatment adherence and completion. In a qualitative study from Kolkata, PWTB admitted delaying diagnosis for months due to fear of TB stigma and reflected that they may have acquired the disease from other individuals who had also delayed medical care due to stigma [28].
The desire to hide disease status has a direct impact on medical treatment. Many Indians receive directly observed therapy administered by community health workers and family members, and some PWTB described having their status disclosed by community members who had seen them receiving treatment [13,17]. Healthcare workers reported that PWTB asked them to stop visiting their homes for treatment or declined to visit treatment centers due to fear of disclosure [17,36,45]. A study in Thiruvallur interviewed 612 PWTB, and found that 6.7% of PWTB provided false names and addresses to avoid their disease status being exposed [16]. Elsewhere, healthcare workers described cases where PWTB refused to take medication in front of family members or in-laws, including one case where the person subsequently died [17]. Stigma can have effects even when not enacted, with these instances of anticipated stigma having direct impacts on PWTBs’ health and well-being.
The role of stigma on treatment adherence has been quantified. In a study in West Bengal of 145 people who defaulted from TB treatment, 51 (35%) were categorized as being in a ‘low stigma’ group and 94 (65%) in a ‘high stigma’ group. Those in the low stigma group were 8.59 times more likely to disengage from therapy later (more than 30 days after starting treatment, compared to 0–30 days after starting treatment) than those in the high stigma group (p = 0.001), suggesting that reducing stigma could improve adherence to treatment [10]. A 2024 study in Jharkhand and a 2016 study in Gujarat both found that stigma was a major barrier to treatment adherence [35,46]. Another study found that perceived discrimination was a predictor of unsuccessful treatment (AOR 2.61, 95% CI 1.04–7.84) [28]. A study in eastern India found that PWTB who reported high levels of stigma had 20.27 times higher odds of nonadherence [11].
A 2022 study in Sikkim found that increased stigma is significantly associated with depression, which then predicts lower adherence to treatment [39]. Another study found that PWTB who experienced stigma were 15-fold more likely to have depression than PWTB who did not have experience stigma [47]. Similarly, a study focusing on persons with drug-resistant TB found that those who experienced stigma were three times more likely to have depression than those without stigma [48]. A study in Gujarat found that PWTB who experienced high levels of stigma were 2.3 times more likely to experience depression (95% CI: 1.1-2.3), and this trend also extended to household contacts, with those experiencing high perceived stigma being 1.8 times more likely to experience depression (95% CI: 1.1-2.3) [49].
Knowledge and interventions to mitigate stigma
Despite the suggestion that education and awareness could improve stigma [16], studies examining the role of knowledge on stigmatizing attitudes and behaviors have had mixed results. One study found that training was able to decrease stigmatizing behavior among physicians [32], while another study found that limited knowledge about TB was significantly associated with stigmatizing attitudes (OR 14.99, 95% CI 6.98–32.1) [23]. However, a study of 3,823 participants in 30 districts using semi-structured questionnaires found that stigmatizing and discriminating attitudes were independent of respondents’ knowledge of TB [29]. In a 2024 study, PWTB were more likely to experience stigma if they themselves had reduced knowledge of TB (OR 3, 95% CI 1.005–8.95) [50]. A 2023 study found that PWTB with lower TB knowledge were more likely to experience stigma, and those who experienced stigma were then less likely to visit the TB clinic (p < 0.05) [25].
The 2021 Tamil Nadu and Puducherry study specifically focused on potential interventions to reduce community stigma and included interviews and focus groups with PWTB, household members, and key informants (such as program managers, government officials, and teachers) [19]. Participants’ suggestions to reduce community stigma included involving the entertainment industry; using social media to increase awareness; educating schoolchildren about TB; and instituting community interventions such as puppet shows or festivals. Participants also suggested counseling and support groups as ways to reduce internalized stigma among PWTB and their family members [19]. Table 2 shows potential interventions to reduce stigma or minimize its effects.
Discussion
Our review of the literature found that stigma persists, is widely prevalent, and exacts heavy social costs upon PWTB. Understanding and countering all kinds of stigma –anticipated, perceived, enacted, and internalized—is essential. One key finding was that enacted stigma was less prevalent than anticipated and perceived stigma. This finding was consistent with research in stigma related to other diseases, such as HIV and podoconiosis [51–53], and suggests that interventions may need to address the specific type of stigma. Moreover, it is important to consider that enacted stigma may have been reduced due to PWTB hiding or not disclosing their disease status.
This review also found that women suffer stigma disproportionately, and interventions to reduce stigma should focus on these additional challenges faced by female PWTB. Women in India often experience social and gender inequities, and the added burden of TB-related stigma can further exacerbate these inequities. Stigma not only affects the mental health of PWTB and promotes ostracism, it also negatively affects healthcare providers’ ability to engage PWTB in care, particularly when some healthcare providers are themselves sources of stigma. Crucially, TB stigma can contribute to diagnostic delays and disengagement with care. TB stigma remains an important obstacle to ending the TB epidemic in India.
There is a paucity of research on interventions to reduce stigma [54]. Understanding the cultural underpinnings of TB stigma is critical to designing effective strategies to curb stigma. Additional quantitative and qualitative studies are needed to address the disparate experiences across geographic regions and cultural groups, and to understand which interventions are successful in reducing each type of TB-related stigma. In addition to devising interventions for community members and PWTB, addressing TB stigma among healthcare workers and preventing stigmatizing behavior during treatment is imperative. Given the mixed results on whether education reduces stigma, more innovation is needed in ways of reducing stigmatizing behaviors from healthcare providers. Studies focusing on other diseases, such as HIV, have found success in developing educational interventions for healthcare workers, particularly when multiple sessions are offered [55]. It is critical to incorporate the perspectives of PWTB in designing interventions to reduce stigma, as well as the expertise of community leaders. Moreover, stigma should be considered within the context of broader structural and social inequities, particularly within the healthcare system.
In addition, it is important to consider that stigma often arises from the fear of getting the disease. Education and awareness campaigns for household contacts and community members should focus on when isolation may be required and when it is no longer necessary (e.g., after adequate treatment and sputum smear conversion). Providing this information could help reduce stigma towards PWTB, while at the same time assuaging concerns about disease transmission.
Studying successful interventions from other contexts may be necessary. In Pakistan, storytelling through spoken word and photography have been used to mitigate both perceived stigma among community members as well as anticipated and internalized stigma among PWTB [56,57]. In Peru, psychological counseling was used to reduce internalized stigma in PWTB, particularly among women [58]. Enacted stigma from family members has been mitigated through community nurses who counseled family members to end ostracizing behavior [59]. However, interventions in India are likely to look different than those in other settings, due to India’s specific social and demographic context, as well as the unique gender dynamics. Interventions may also need to be adapted for different geographic contexts within India.
Further research is necessary on the relationship between knowledge and stigma surrounding TB, with the possibility that some educational interventions may be more effective than others in reducing stigma [29]. Another possible avenue for exploration is to foster TB clubs, which can provide a community for PWTB that reduces isolation and improves adherence. TB clubs also help spread awareness of treatment for TB [60]. TB clubs could decrease internalized and perceived stigma among participants, while also potentially decreasing enacted stigma by educating community members, and have already seen some success in India. However, TB clubs may not work in some contexts, as attending a club may itself increase stigma for PWTB. TB clubs should carefully consider their meeting location and other publicly available information in order to avoid increasing stigma.
We recommend that interventions focus especially on women, who are disproportionately affected by the stigma of TB and are offered less support by the community. Consideration needs to be given to the location and scheduling of these groups in a way that facilitates membership, particularly among women, and does not lead to additional stigma by members of the community.
In addition, future interventions should build on the work being done by TB advocates in India. Groups such as the Global Coalition of TB Advocates (GCTA) have developed training materials for incorporating social interventions alongside medical interventions. For instance, GCTA has developed a manual for a one-day training for healthcare workers and community members, with a focus on ending TB stigma. Programs such as this one may improve participant knowledge and develop strategies for reducing stigma [61].
This study has several limitations to acknowledge. First, India is a geographically, linguistically, and culturally diverse country, with a population of 1.4 billion. The lived experiences of PWTB may be different in different contexts and settings and may not be expressed in the studies included in this narrative review. This review also only included studies published in English. Moreover, our search strategy was not intended to be exhaustive, and not all studies that concern TB stigma in India were included. In general, studies focusing on PWTB used enrollment in a public sector treatment center as their criterion for inclusion. Individuals treated in the private sector and those who forewent therapy were generally not included in this study. Such PWTBs may have experienced different levels of perceived and enacted stigma. Many of the studies cited in this review used qualitative methods and open-ended interviewing, which can be harder to quantify and compare between studies. However, the use of EMIC and other validated methods allowed for stigma to be quantified and allows comparison between different contexts.
Even as we invest heavily in improving the biomedical dimension of TB care, we must address the pervasive TB stigma that haunts millions of PWTB. Further action is also crucial to improve the quality of life of PWTB during and after their treatment, particularly from the psychological perspective. ‘The biggest disease today,’ Mother Teresa said, ‘is not leprosy or tuberculosis, but rather the feeling of being unwanted, uncared for and deserted by everybody.’
Supporting information
S1 Text. The MeSH search terms used in this study.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0005109.s001
(DOCX)
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