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Urban thermal inequity: Advancing thermal justice transitions for vulnerable low-income populations

Abstract

Urban overheating, driven by global climate change, rapid urbanisation and entrenched socio-economic inequality, has emerged as a defining challenge for cities in the twenty-first century. More than 1,000 cities worldwide are already affected, exposing approximately 1.7 billion urban residents to thermal conditions that exceed comfort and health thresholds. Heat risks are unevenly distributed within cities, with low-income populations experiencing disproportionately higher exposure, constrained adaptive capacity and greater economic burdens, reinforcing a self-perpetuating cycle of heat stress and vulnerability. Quantitative evidence reveals stark disparities in access to cooling, health outcomes, economic losses and learning capacity between affluent and disadvantaged urban communities. Here we argue that addressing urban thermal inequity requires a thermal justice transition that places equity at the centre of urban climate adaptation. We outline pathways for such a transition, including the targeted deployment of advanced cooling technologies in high-vulnerability areas, the development of metrics to quantify intra-urban exposure and adaptive capacity, the establishment of urban thermal safety nets and the mobilization of innovative financial instruments. Embedding scientific insights within inclusive urban policy and financing frameworks is essential to reduce overheating risks, protect vulnerable populations and enable climate-resilient, socially just urban futures.

1. Introduction

Cities are expanding at an unprecedented pace, driven by internal migration and global population shifts that are reshaping urban form and function [1]. In accommodating this growth, urban expansion has disrupted environmental equilibria, intensifying heat exposure, air pollution and resource stress. These physical changes do more than altering urban climates; they actively reshape social, economic and cultural relations. Rising temperatures and pollution intersect with housing, infrastructure and income, redistributing risks unevenly across urban populations [2]. As cities grow denser and warmer, environmental stressors amplify inequality, exposing the deep interdependence between urban climate dynamics and social equity.

There are now 1,000 overheated cities, and approximately 1.7 billion citizens living in temperature conditions far above the limits of thermal comfort [3]. The rate of urban overheating is continuously rising, with the number of overheating hours having increased by 300% since 1980 [3]. Particularly in Southeast Asia, the rate of urban overheating has dramatically increased, adding about 508 million human-days of exposure to heatwave conditions per year in India and China in the last decade alone [4]. It is projected that under a future overheating scenario of 1.5ºC, citizens living in low-income countries will experience 95 days per year above 35º C, against 23 days for the urban citizens of rich countries [5].

Remarkably, about 9% of the global population (~600 million people), lives out of the ‘human climate niche’ defined as the historically highly conserved distribution of relative human population density with respect to mean annual temperature [6]. It is estimated that under the current policies leading to a temperature increase close to 2.7°C by the end of the century, almost one-third (22–39%) of people will live outside the niche [6]. These projections show that climate change is not a straightforward process but a differentiated crisis, driven by deeper historical and structural inequalities.

The relationship between income and heat exposure reinforces the need to situate urban thermal inequity within the historical and ongoing asymmetries between the Global North and the Global South. Accelerated urbanisation, heightened exposure to extreme climatic phenomena and constrained adaptive capacity in many low- and middle-income countries are inseparable from colonial legacies, extractive development models and unequal terms of global economic exchange. While high-income countries have contributed disproportionately to cumulative greenhouse gas emissions, cities in the Global South now bear an increasing share of climate-amplified heat exposure under conditions of informal housing, infrastructure deficits and limited fiscal capacity. Urban overheating thus reflects a global misalignment between responsibility for climate change and vulnerability to its impacts, reinforcing long-standing patterns of environmental and social injustice [7,8].

Differential exposure to extreme urban heat is observed not only between populations of different countries, but even within the urban population of the same city. The major demographic determinants of heat exposure in a city scale seem to be income, race and age. In most US cities, people of colour are more exposed to heat than non-Hispanic whites [9], while lower income urban dwellers usually live in heavily populated areas, with less greenery and permeable surfaces, all parameters exacerbating the effects of Urban Heat Island [10] and establishing higher temperatures during heatwaves [11]. At the same time, about 1.12 billion citizens live in slums under precarious conditions, while by 2030, one in every four people will live in a slum [12]. Governments around the world are failing to recognize these patterns and to provide adaptation and mitigation solutions for the vulnerable urban populations making urban overheating a discernible marker of urban injustice. The growing divide in heat exposure across countries, cities, and even neighborhoods highlights a deeper systemic failure to link urban development with social justice and climate resilience, a challenge this perspective aims to address.

Urban overheating therefore cannot be understood solely as an environmental phenomenon but as a multidimensional system of inequity that shapes, and is shaped by, energy use, health outcomes, economic productivity and social vulnerability. In the sections that follow, we quantify these interlinked impacts with a focus on low‑income urban populations, drawing on emerging global evidence to illustrate how heat exposure amplifies disparities across energy systems, health risks, productivity losses and learning capacity. We then outline technological, financial and governance pathways capable of addressing these inequities, arguing for a thermal justice transition that embeds equity at the centre of urban climate adaptation.

2. Quantifying heat impacts on low-income populations

The consequences of urban overheating extend across many facets of human life. High temperatures increase energy consumption in buildings and cities, and consequently, peak electricity demand. In turn, increased demand leads electricity producers to build new power stations passing the cost down to the consumers. At the same time, high temperatures reduce the efficiency of thermal and nuclear power plants, elevate pollutant emissions and intensify the concentration of tropospheric ozone, all posing serious threat for human life. Urban overheating drives up heat-related deaths and health problems, exacerbates mental health issues, fuels crime, urban aggression, and suicides, diminishes human productivity, and undermines future human capital by impairing students’ learning capacity [13]. These are not isolated consequences but interconnected dimensions of what can be called a “thermal poverty trap,” where exposure, vulnerability, and limited adaptive capacity perpetuate disadvantage.

The following subsections provide indicative quantitative data on the various impacts of urban overheating on energy production and use, social disparities, human health, performance and Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

2.1. Elevated temperatures and energy systems

The extremely high temperatures now prevailing across the globe have led to a rapid increase in air conditioning usage. Many areas, especially in Southeast Asia, lack the energy infrastructure to support the additional electricity generation and distribution systems required. In India, in 2023, peak electricity demand rose by an unprecedented 15.2% in one year, to 1,644 billion kWh, causing power supply shortages and prolonged outages in cities, often exceeding 10 hours per day [14,15]. This trajectory of continuously increasing peak electricity demand risks locking developing economies into fossil-fuel intensive pathways. As reported by Falchetta et al. [16] the additional electricity consumption to cover the 2030 cooling demand in India will be close to 239 TWh/year which corresponds to 300 new coal-fired electricity power plants.

Urban overheating increases the average energy consumption by 240kWh per person annually, reduces the efficiency of thermal power plants by 0.6% per °C, and limits the operation of nuclear plants during heatwaves due to the elevated temperature of river water used for cooling [17]. The shutdown of power plants during warm periods usually leads to increases in the price of electricity. In a recent event in Europe, the price per MWh increased from €50 to €2,000, while in Texas, USA, during the 2023 heat wave the price of the MWh increased from $275 to $2,500 (850%) [18,19]. The additional costs incurred by electricity producers are passed on to consumers multiple times. In a recent heatwave in Germany, while the additional production cost for power companies was about €16 million, the extra expense for consumers reached €71 million [18], a pass-through of about 4.4 to 1. These examples demonstrate how climate-driven market volatility disproportionately transfers costs onto households, particularly those already experiencing energy poverty and limited adaptive capacity.

The dramatic increase in peak electricity demand during heatwaves continuously causes failures in the transmission network and blackouts. In the U.S., over the past five years, network failures due to high temperatures have increased by 151%, while a recent large-scale blackout in the Pacific Northwest resulted in 600 additional deaths and 3,500 extra hospital visits [20]. In China, poorer provinces are disproportionately affected by power outages caused by weather- and climate-related natural disasters, as these outages occur more frequently and last longer than those in more affluent provinces. The greater sensitivity of the electricity grid to natural disasters is likely due to less developed and poorly maintained local grid infrastructure in the poorer areas [21]. These patterns expose how climatic stress, market volatility, and infrastructure fragility are deeply intertwined, turning energy insecurity into an urgent challenge for environmental equity and public health.

These dynamics closely align with the framework of energy justice, which emphasizes the fair distribution of energy benefits and burdens, the recognition of vulnerable groups, and meaningful participation in energy decision making [22], conditions that are still largely missing in practice. In many Global South contexts, for example, rapidly growing cooling demand leads to potentially locking cities into fossil fuel intensive energy pathways, reinforcing both climate vulnerability and economic marginalisation. A just urban heat transition therefore requires reconfiguring energy systems to deliver affordable, reliable, and low-carbon cooling as a basic service rather than a market privilege [23].

2.2. Heat exposure and social inequality

Urban overheating largely shapes vulnerability levels in cities, transforming climatic exposure into a new geography of inequality. Buildings of poor thermal quality in deprived neighborhoods amplify heat stress, thereby reinforcing existing socio-economic divides. It is indicative that areas inhabited by Black and Hispanic populations in the U.S. show an average overheating of 7°C, while in White residential zones the overheating is below 1°C [9]. As a result of overheating and energy poverty, low-income citizens are exposed to high indoor temperatures and levels of indoor pollution during warm periods and are subjected to serious health risks [24]. A study in the coastal-subtropical Brisbane, Australia, showed that citizens of areas with higher population density and less high-income earners are more likely to be admitted to hospital under hot weather conditions [25]. These patterns reflect core principles of environmental injustice, which document how environmental burdens are systematically imposed on low-income and racialised communities, while environmental benefits remain unevenly distributed [26].

Economic hardship limits air conditioning use among low-income citizens. In developing countries, the penetration of air conditioning devices in lower economic strata is extremely limited. In countries with large population, like Indonesia, air conditioning penetration is about 5% for low-income citizens and almost 100% for high-income ones [27]. In developed countries, only a small percentage of air conditioning needs are met in low-income groups [16]. At the same time, it is demonstrated that while high-income households allocate between 0.2% to 2.5% of their expenditure on air conditioning use, the low-income households may spend up to 8% of their budget for cooling [28]. In Greece, the cost of using air conditioning is approximately 150% higher for low-income households compared to high-income ones, due to poor energy efficiency of buildings and AC equipment and the climatic characteristics of the areas where economically disadvantaged people live [29]. This unequal capacity to purchase and operate cooling technologies defines a widening “thermal divide”, analogous to the digital and income divides that characterise contemporary urban inequality.

Future projections for the urban climate predict an increase in nighttime temperatures by 2–5°C, along with a rise in daytime temperatures by 1–2°C [30,31]. The average exposure to temperatures above 35°C in low-income cities is expected to increase from 83 days per year to 125, while in high-income cities the increase will range from 16 to 27 days annually [5]. These estimates suggest that in Southeast Asia, approximately 50–60% of the population will be exposed to temperatures above 35°C for one-third of the year [32]. In Europe, under current conditions, only 3% of the population experiences similar temperature levels, but this could rise to as much as 40% under high-risk climate change scenarios [32]. These data imply that, without evidence-based interventions, low-income populations will increasingly inhabit the world’s hottest environments due to systemic inequities in housing, planning, and access to adaptive infrastructure.

From a broader environmental justice perspective, thermal inequity is not only a distributive problem but also a procedural and recognitional one. As Schlosberg argues, justice entails recognition of affected groups, meaningful participation in decision making, and the protection of basic human capabilities [33,34]. Low-income urban residents are not only more exposed to heat due to poor housing and neighborhood conditions but are frequently excluded from planning processes that shape land use, building standards, and investments in cooling and greening infrastructure. Without procedural and recognitional justice, technological interventions risk reproducing existing inequalities, even when framed as climate adaptation.

2.3. Heat exposure and health risks

Overheating causes around 540,000 extra deaths per year in cities. The mortality increase among citizens over 65 was 85% between 2000–2004 and 2017–2021 [35]. In EU countries, overheating results in 60,000–65,000 additional deaths annually [36]. In Australia, 2,296 deaths were associated with overheating in the period from 2000 to 2019, while heatwaves were responsible for an increase in non-external causes mortality by 13%, 10%, and 6% in Brisbane, Melbourne, and Sydney, respectively [37]. Future projections regarding heat-related deaths by the World Health Organisation (WHO) are extremely concerning. Despite uncertainties in forecasting, there is consensus that future overheating will cause significantly more deaths [38]. For example, while heat-related mortality in China currently accounts for 1.9% of total deaths, it is estimated to reach 5.5% by 2050 [39].

Heat-related mortality disproportionately affects the less privileged, low-income and vulnerable urban population. Populations living in warmer areas within cities have almost 6% higher risk of mortality/ morbidity compared to those living in cooler parts of cities [40]. In New York, where the Black and White populations are roughly equal in number, thermal mortality is almost twice as high among the Black population compared to the White, due to poor housing, warmer neighborhoods and lack of access to air-conditioning [41]. In the Netherlands, heat-related mortality for low- and high-income citizens increases by 3.7% and 2.07%, respectively, when temperature increases 1ºC above 22 ºC [42], while all around the world, heat vulnerability among low-income citizens during warm periods is much higher than that of high-income groups [43,44].

Exposure to high temperatures also affects citizens’ mental health [45]. Psychiatric clinic visits increase by 7% per degree of temperature above 30°C, mainly among low-income individuals. A recent study in Britain showed that mental health support needs among low-income citizens are 270% higher than those of high-income groups [46]. Additionally, research has shown that exposure to high temperatures dramatically increases suicide rates [47]. In Mexico, for every degree above 29°C, suicides increase by 2.7%; in Australia by 1.5%; and in the U.S. by 0.7% [47,48]. These findings extend the concept of thermal inequity beyond the physical to the psychological domain, revealing how prolonged exposure to heat erodes mental resilience and social wellbeing, particularly among those already socio-economically constrained.

Apart from the direct impacts of the increase in urban temperatures on health, there are also indirect impacts. Urban overheating causes a dramatic increase in the concentration of tropospheric ozone, which is toxic to humans. Globally, ozone levels have increased by 11% in recent years, and by up to 46% in cities [49]. According to recent estimates, ozone concentration exceeds safe limits in 96% of cities [50], now causing approximately 365,000 deaths annually, mainly cardiovascular and respiratory, with further increases expected in the coming years [51]. Another indirect impact of overheating is related to the prolonged operation of thermal power plants during high-temperature periods which increases pollutant emissions considerably and close to 3.5% per degree of temperature rise [52,53]. According to WHO, atmospheric pollution causes 4.2 million additional deaths annually and significant health damage [54].

Heat, air quality, and energy systems do not act in isolation but compound one another, intensifying health risks, especially for low‑income and vulnerable groups.

2.4. Heat stress, productivity and economic losses

Overheating dramatically affects human productivity, with exposure to temperatures around 40°C reducing productivity by up to 40% [55]. Economic losses due to reduced productivity are estimated at $311 billion annually and are projected to reach $2.53 trillion by 2050, equivalent to 1% of the global gross income [56]. Cumulative global losses from extreme heat linked to human activity for the period 1992–2013 are estimated between $16 and $50 trillion. On average, regions in the lowest income decile experienced annual losses equivalent to 8% of their GDP per capita, compared to just 3.5% in the highest income decile [56]. These figures reveal that the poorest economies with limited adaptation resources lose proportionally more productive capacity.

Prolonged exposure of students to high temperatures significantly affects their learning ability [57]. For classroom temperatures above 25°C, learning capacity decreases by 2% per degree of increase [58]. A 1-degree F increase in the average temperature of the past four school years leads to 2% decrease in the typical scores over a single school year. Experiencing one additional day above 32ºC in each of those four years reduces scores by 1 percent of a typical school year’s performance [59]. These losses are up to three times greater among students from low-income groups compared to high-income ones due to their inability to protect themselves from overheating [59,60]. Without significant adaptation and mitigation measures, it is estimated that American students may lose up to 9.8% of their learning capacity by 2050 [61]. Heat‑related learning losses intensify long‑term economic burdens by limiting the growth of human capital and reinforcing patterns of intergenerational inequality.

Urban overheating sharply reduces economic productivity and learning capacity, with losses already amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars annually and projected to escalate dramatically. These impacts disproportionately affect low-income workers and students, who face greater exposure and fewer protective resources, deepening existing inequalities and constraining long-term human capital development.

3. Technological and financial pathways to equitable urban heat mitigation

Methods to reduce urban overheating have been widely studied and implemented across numerous cities. These approaches range from improving energy efficiency and thermal comfort in both existing and new buildings, thereby reducing reliance on air conditioning, to strategic urban planning that integrates greenery and heat sinks to dissipate excess heat. Over the past two decades, intensive and largely successful scientific research has also focused on the development of advanced materials specifically designed to mitigate urban overheating, expanding the portfolio of tools available for climate-resilient urban adaptation. Photonic super-cool materials, for example, have achieved unprecedented thermal performance, reducing surface temperatures by up to 8°C below ambient temperature [62,63]. The application of super-cool materials in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, is expected to reduce ambient peak urban temperatures by up to 4.5°C, alongside adapted green technologies [64].

Beyond their impact on the urban microclimate, the application of modern thermal mitigation technologies to low-income housing can substantially reduce indoor heat exposure. Empirical studies show that such interventions can lower peak indoor temperatures by up to 10 °C, offering meaningful thermal relief without reliance on air conditioning and protecting the health of vulnerable populations significantly [65]. In South Africa, for example, the application of cool coatings to informal dwellings constructed from timber frames and galvanised iron sheets reduced the number of days with indoor temperatures above 40 °C from 76 to just 6 per year [66]. In India, large scale deployment of cool roofs in informal settlements has been shown to prevent up to 317,000 premature deaths, reduce cooling related emissions by 68 million tons of CO₂ equivalent by 2030, and generate an average of 186 additional labour hours per household annually through reduced heat stress and improved sleep quality [67]. These benefits translate into approximately USD 22 billion in productivity gains between now and 2030. While these findings demonstrate the profound social value of thermal mitigation, their widespread adoption depends critically on affordability, policy support, and institutional capacity, especially in low-income and informally governed urban areas. The scale of investment required to decarbonise the built environment and mitigate urban overheating creates both a challenge and an opportunity. Current estimates indicate that approximately USD 1.6 trillion per year is required for global decarbonisation until 2050, with an additional USD 400 billion annually needed specifically for urban thermal mitigation [68]. At present, the economic cost of urban overheating is estimated at USD 700 billion per year and is expected to exceed USD 2.5 trillion by 2050 [69]. These losses are disproportionately concentrated in tropical middle- and low-income countries, where annual GDP losses may reach 3.2–6.4%, compared to near negligible impacts in high income economies [69].

Consequently, pathways to equitable heat mitigation must be understood within deeply unequal political and economic relations between high- and low-income areas, especially between the Global North and the Global South. Historical patterns of extraction, emissions-intensive development, and capital accumulation in high-income countries have disproportionately contributed to the climate conditions that now intensify heat exposure in low- and middle- income cities, while simultaneously limiting their adaptive capacity. Critical urban research has shown that climate adaptation initiatives can unintentionally reinforce inequality when driven primarily by market incentives, property value enhancement, or technology-led showcase projects implemented without strong equity safeguards [70,71]. Cities in the Global South are often positioned as recipients of adaptation technologies and financing models developed in the Global North, lacking the institutional capacity, fiscal autonomy, and political leverage required to ensure socially just outcomes.

Without explicit equity safeguards, heat mitigation financing mechanisms risk privileging investment returns over social protection and concentration of benefits in already advantaged countries or neighbourhoods, mirroring failures observed in carbon markets and other forms of climate greenwashing. Any “market for urban heat mitigation” must therefore operate within strong public governance frameworks, ensuring that financial instruments such as green bonds or resilience credits prioritise low-income and heat-vulnerable communities, complement public investment in social housing and urban infrastructure, and support redistributive climate policies rather than replace them [70,72].

Technological and financial solutions must also be accompanied by broader social and institutional transformations. Thermal justice cannot be achieved without addressing structural drivers of vulnerability, including informal housing, insecurity of tenure, racialised segregation, limited political representation, and unequal access to public space. Community level interventions such as climate shelters or climate oases, i.e., public, accessible, and thermally safe spaces designed to protect residents during extreme heat events, have emerged as important complementary strategies, particularly in cities where housing conditions cannot be rapidly upgraded. These interventions foreground human wellbeing over market value and emphasise care, accessibility, and social inclusion as core adaptation principles [73].

A just thermal transition therefore requires not only technology transfer, but context-specific co-design, local capacity building, and the redistribution of adaptation finance toward highly vulnerable urban communities. Financing interventions could be underpinned by established instruments, including green bonds and broader green banking mechanisms, to channel capital toward measurable thermal risk reduction. Although the scale of required investment is substantial, it is not prohibitive. The necessary capital clearly exists. A modest annual tax increase of just 1% on the wealthiest 1% of the global population could generate approximately 7.4 trillion US dollars, sufficient to finance large-scale, equitable urban heat mitigation and adaptation efforts worldwide.

According to new analysis by the Fight Inequality Alliance, Institute for Policy Studies, Oxfam and the Patriotic Millionaires, an annual wealth tax of up to 5% on the world’s multi-millionaires and billionaires could raise $1.7 trillion a year, enough to lift 2 billion people out of poverty, fully fund the shortfalls on existing humanitarian appeals, deliver a 10-year plan to end hunger, support poorer countries being ravaged by climate impacts, and deliver universal healthcare and social protection for everyone living in low- and lower middle-income countries [74]. Allocating even a modest share of global wealth to thermal mitigation and climate adaptation is a non-negotiable obligation in a warming world, capable of dismantling structural inequities while repositioning climate policy as a central mechanism of redistribution, protection and collective resilience.

4. Conclusions

Urban overheating has emerged as one of the most consequential challenges of the twenty-first century, driven by the convergence of global climate change, local urbanisation processes and entrenched socio-economic inequalities. As we argue in this Perspective, these forces do not operate independently but form a reinforcing feedback system in which heat exposure deepens vulnerability and vulnerability in turn amplifies exposure. This dynamic helps explain why, despite advances in climate science and mitigation technologies, thermal disparities within cities persist and, in many cases, intensify. Evidence across energy systems, health outcomes, productivity and spatial exposure demonstrates that overheating functions as a socio-economic amplifier, disproportionately burdening low-income populations who face higher relative costs, weaker infrastructure and fewer adaptive options.

We argue that breaking this feedback loop requires a thermal justice transition, defined as a systemic reorientation of urban climate adaptation that places equity at its core. Such a transition entails the strategic deployment of technological innovations, including super-cool materials and urban greening, within the most vulnerable communities, the development of metrics capable of measuring and tracking intra-urban thermal disparities, the establishment of thermal safety nets to guarantee minimum levels of thermal protection, and the mobilisation of innovative financial instruments such as urban heat bonds and resilience credits to direct capital toward populations most at risk. We further emphasise the need to recognise and support the Global South not only as a site of vulnerability, but as a source of locally appropriate, scalable, and context sensitive adaptation strategies capable of informing just urban heat transitions globally.

Ultimately, achieving thermal justice in cities requires more than the deployment of innovative technologies and the mobilisation of financial resources. While such instruments are essential, they must be accompanied by deeper social and institutional transformations, including equitable urban planning, inclusive governance, and the protection of vulnerable populations. In addition, meaningful progress depends on the accountability of high emitting industries and nations, predominantly in the Global North, whose historical contributions to climate change have disproportionately shaped present day heat risks elsewhere. Addressing urban overheating therefore demands a comprehensive approach that integrates technological innovation, financial redistribution, social change, and responsibility across scales. We reframe urban overheating not simply as a problem of temperature management but as a challenge of justice and governance that demands interdisciplinary collaboration among climate scientists, urban planners, economists, social scientists, policymakers and communities themselves. As cities continue to grow and warming intensifies over the coming decade, we warn that failure to confront urban thermal inequity risks locking billions of people into cycles of heat vulnerability and socio-economic exclusion. Conversely, embedding equity within thermal adaptation offers a powerful opportunity to protect health, enhance productivity, reduce poverty and build cities that are not only cooler but also fairer and more resilient. Urban overheating is no longer a marginal environmental concern. It represents a defining test of whether societies can govern climate change in ways that are just, inclusive and transformative, and how this challenge is met will shape urban livability for generations to come.

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