Figures
Abstract
Young people’s daily routines are especially malleable during significant life events, offering opportunities for pro-environmental behaviour (PEB) change. We investigated how PEBs shifted during two Moments of Change (MoCs), an exogenous disruption (COVID-19) and a biographical transition (starting university). We also looked at whether values and attitudes explained these shifts. We conducted two longitudinal studies with 16–24-year-olds. Study 1 (exogenous MoC) tracked behaviour across three waves during 2020 (n = 146) using multilevel latent growth models. Study 2 (biographical MoC) (n = 256) used paired-samples t-tests examining change across two time points, i.e., pre and post the start of university. Both studies used path-analytic structural equation models to test a values – attitudes – behaviour pathway and regressions to examine the self-activation hypothesis. In Study 1, we found positive changes to food waste and the consumption of animal products, and a negative change in environmental activism and active travel. In Study 2, we found positive changes in domestic PEBs, active travel, and the consumption of animal products, and negative changes in environmental activism and ethical consumption. Self-transcendence values positively predicted activism (Study 1) and domestic PEBs (Study 2) and related to lower animal-product consumption in both studies, while environmental attitudes mediated the link between self-transcendence and consumption only in Study 2. These findings suggest that targeted interventions timed to MoCs can leverage values and attitudes to support lower-impact diets and home practices. Structurally constrained domains (e.g., activism opportunities, infrastructure-dependent travel) may require contextual changes in tandem with MoCs to yield benefits to PEBs. Our study is one of the first to look at COVID-19 as a MoC and one of the first to examine the transition from school to university and its effects on multiple PEBs. Some limitations include reliance on self-report measures with retrospective baselines and short follow-up periods.
Citation: Mitev K, Whitmarsh L, Gattis M, Nash N (2025) Shifting horizons: Significant life events and pro-environmental behaviour change in early adulthood. PLOS Clim 4(10): e0000709. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000709
Editor: Md Wahid Murad, University of South Australia, AUSTRALIA
Received: March 29, 2025; Accepted: September 1, 2025; Published: October 15, 2025
Copyright: © 2025 Mitev et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: The data associated with our study has been deposited into the publicly available repository of the Open Science Framework. The data can be accessed here: https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/GJPDZ.
Funding: This work was supported by the European Research Council (ERC), under the project “Understanding and leveraging ‘moments of change’ for pro-environmental behaviour shifts” [grant number: 820235 to LW; KM; MG; NN] The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Introduction
Climate change, caused by greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) from human activities, is one of the most urgent and immediate problems challenging modern day societies [1]. Tackling climate change requires urgent, substantive change in societal patterns of consumption and the adoption of pro-environmental behaviours (PEBs), defined as everyday actions minimising their environmental impact or even benefiting the environment [2]. Many PEBs (e.g., purchasing, travel, etc.) include habitual actions, as well as more deliberate ones, e.g., buying appliances [3].
Once formed, habits can be difficult to break; however, they can be weakened during life events or moments of change (MoCs) which represent significant changes to one’s environment and provide opportunities to foster pro-environmental consumption patterns. MoCs can also affect people differently; for example, they may activate pre-existing values, such that people who value the environment are more likely to adopt PEBs during a MoC (i.e., ‘self-activation’). The present study investigates the effects of two MoCs, i.e., the COVID-19 pandemic and the start of university, on young people’s PEBs, values and attitudes.
Habits and moments of change
Much human behaviour is habitual and has its origins in pursuing a goal, for example to satisfy a need or attain a reward [4]. Habits are triggered directly by a stimulus in the environment, i.e., contextual cues [5]. These can include time of day, physical location, and preceding actions in a sequence [6].
When the context is stable, behaviours do not rely on conscious deliberation [7] as their performance is guided by context-driven habit processes, however a change in the contextual cues should result in attenuating habitual responses [8]. This is the basis of the Habit Discontinuity Hypothesis [9]. A recent systematic review on MoCs found that most of the studies in the domain tend to focus on biographical events (e.g., moving house; becoming a parent) and to a lesser extent on exogenous events (e.g., financial crashes, natural disasters), both of which result in significant changes to one’s environment [10].
Biographical MoCs usually affect the individual aspects of one’s life and are predominantly planned for, voluntary and preceded by some degree of preparation (although there are some exceptions, such as serious illness). Research has focused on relocation [11]; pregnancy [12]; retirement [13]; and changes in employment circumstances [14]; holiday breaks [15]; New Year’s resolutions [16]; or biographical live events in general [17] as drivers for pro-environmental behaviour change. For example, reduction in driving after relocation [18] and lower meat consumption after becoming a parent [19].
Exogenous MoCs are driven by societal change and are usually unplanned. Studies have found changes in energy conservation due to extreme climate events [20]; in travel behaviours due to the financial crisis [21,22]; and in food consumption due to experiencing a tsunami [23]. The effects of exogenous MoCs have received less attention, perhaps due to practical issues such as planning and data collection. This calls for further research to investigate these important gaps in the domain.
COVID-19 as a MoC.
One exogenous MoC is the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic which started in 2020 in the UK and led to huge behavioural and lifestyle shifts because of lockdowns and other restrictions. The pandemic led to various restrictions which were introduced in March 2020 and went through several changes. For a detailed summary of these restrictions please see Fig 1. Mitigating climate change is one area of human life that COVID-19 seemed to influence in a rather positive way. In 2020, the UK registered a 9.5% decrease in carbon emissions [24] with the biggest changes coming from the transport sector. For example, cycling trips increased up to 200% in the period April – June 2020 compared to 2019, probably due to big decreases in train use (95%) and bus use (85%) [25]. People also reported walking more (38%), and the proportion of people switching from public transport use to walking increased by 31% [26].
There were also changes in consumption. Data from the Vegan Society in the UK reported that 21.5% of people reduced their meat consumption during COVID-19, while 15.4% reduced the amount of dairy/eggs in their diet [27]. CAST [28] reported that people threw away less food, with food waste levels remaining lower than pre-COVID levels as restrictions relaxed [29] (see also [30]). Organic food sales also increased by 12.5%, while sales of clothes made from natural materials increased by 9% [31]. Finally, it is important to note that young people were one of the most affected groups by the COVID-19 restrictions. Research has identified that for those aged between 15 and 25 the pandemic had an adverse impact on well-being and mental health [32]. This furthers the notion that COVID-19 served as an important MoC and should be explored in relation to the habit discontinuity hypothesis and its influence on young people’s PEBs. While research has focused on the effects of COVID-19 on certain PEBs, in the present article we explore this through the prism of MoC which is one of the major contributions of the current work.
Starting university as a MoC.
In addition to going through the COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020 more than half a million people started their undergraduate degree as full-time students at universities across the UK [33]. This makes the start of university a pivotal MoC for young people. However, most of the literature in the environmental domain has focused on investigating biographical events happening later in life (e.g., relocation, becoming a parent). There have been fewer studies on MoCs occurring earlier in life. This makes the transfer from school to university an understudied but interesting MoC. Studies in this domain usually explore students’ overall experiences at university and the general trend in their green actions (e.g., [34]), for example, how information about environmentalism and membership of campus-based green groups impact PEBs but without a specific focus on new students [35]. Conversely, when past research has looked at the start of university as a MoC, studies have usually concentrated on health behaviours such as dieting and exercising. For instance, a decrease in physical activity after starting university [36], a change in diet and subsequently weight gain [37], and a decrease in meat and milk consumption [38,39]. This makes the effect of starting university as a MoC on PEBs in an understudied phenomenon with important implications for tackling climate change.
Starting university is also accompanied by moving out of one’s family home and expanding one’s social circle [40]. The ages between 16 and 24, known as late adolescence, are an essential stage of a person’s life characterised by identity formation [41], exploration, and self-focus [42] as well as legal adulthood. Identity formation is important as young people’s values could have a crucial role in their pro-environmental norms and behaviours [43]. In addition, some of the behaviours young people adopt soon after they move out of the parental home and become independent might stick with them in the long term. Therefore, they could influence their active participation in society [44]. A key reason for this is that puberty is marked by extensive remodelling of the brain, particularly in areas involved in decision-making, risk assessment, and social interactions. Brain regions, such as the prefrontal cortex (responsible for executive functions) and the limbic system (associated with emotions and rewards), undergo significant maturation. The interplay between these regions during puberty can lead to heightened sensitivity to social cues and rewards, influencing behaviour choices [45]. Thus, the experiences and habits formed during this period can have lasting effects. For example, positive behaviours such as regular exercise, healthy eating, and constructive social interactions can lead to a healthier, more engaged adult life. Conversely, negative behaviours adopted during this time, such as substance abuse or social withdrawal, can also persist, potentially leading to detrimental effects on one’s health and social participation. Adolescents exposed to civic education and encouraged to participate in community activities are more likely to become engaged citizens. This involvement can include voting, volunteering, advocacy, e.g., through engaging in more pro-environmental behaviours later in life [46]. Finally, educational programs during late adolescence that integrate environmental themes have been found to help young people develop a strong environmental identity, which once formed, tends to influence behaviour in a consistent manner into adulthood [47]. Therefore, starting university might be one of the most impactful MoCs. The current article is one of the few with a specific focus on exploring the start of university as a MoC and its effects on young people’s PEBs. This makes the present research pivotal in enriching the theoretical framework surrounding MoCs.
In the present article we chose two theoretically distinct MoCs that young people commonly experienced in 2020: (i) the COVID-19 pandemic as an exogenous, society-wide disruption that reconfigured daily routines, and (ii) the transition to university as a biographical one that typically entails relocation, new schedules, and rebuilding everyday practices. Both events can reshape everyday life, therefore, creating brief periods when routines are disrupted, and new habits can be formed. Juxtaposing these MoCs permits a comparison between (a) change driven primarily by externally imposed constraints and affordances and (b) change driven by role transition and practice reassembly, both of which are central mechanisms in habit-discontinuity hypothesis. In addition, the selection is also methodologically advantageous: both events were highly prevalent in the target cohort in the year 2020, and were also salient and temporally well-defined, i.e., supporting clear measurement windows. Finally, they were also ecologically valid by capturing behaviours under real-world disruption rather than laboratory settings. While MoCs are shown to contribute to pro-environmental behaviour changes (e.g., [18]), there are also other important psychological constructs which might mediate the connection between MoCs and the change in PEBs (e.g., values, attitudes). For example, values, which are relatively stable guiding principles, are expected to be especially consequential as they provide higher-order priorities when routines are being reconsidered, while attitudes work at a more immediate level, translating those priorities into judgments about specific behaviours. We therefore explore the values – attitudes – behaviour pathway in more detail in relation to MoCs to paint a clearer picture of life events and their effects on habitual sustainable actions.
Values and attitudes
One important psychological construct that might mediate the relationship between a MoC and PEBs is human values which have been identified as lying along two dimensions: self-enhancement to self-transcendence, and openness to change to conservatism [48]. Self-transcendence values are characterised by a concern for the interests and welfare of others but are also considered important for promoting human growth and wellbeing [49]. People with higher levels of self-transcendence values are typically more environmentally-concerned and engage in more environmentally-friendly behaviours [50,51]. In addition, a meta-analysis concluded that people for whom self-transcendent values were more important than self-enhancement experienced greater obligation to act in an environmentally-friendly way [52]. Studies have also reported positive associations between self-transcendence and various categories of pro-environmental behaviours [53], environmental activism [54], energy conservation [55], recycling [56], and consumption [57,58].
In addition, there may be a link between values and MoCs. While values are thought to be quite stable over time [59], there is some evidence that a life-changing events (e.g., moving to a new culture or having a child) could make them malleable [60,61]. Indeed, going to university can change values [62], and different values might change according to the programme of study [60]. Similarly, self-transcendence values were especially important during COVID-19 as they were reported to be related to complying with restrictions and helping vulnerable people struggling with the pandemic [63]. This furthers the notion that human values could be vital for behaviour change during MoCs.
Interestingly, values could also play another role as MoCs may facilitate the expression of pre-existing values; this is known as the self-activation hypothesis [18]. It states that a MoC could prime pre-existing values leading to a change in behaviour. Hence, self-transcendence could be activated by the MoC and in turn influence behaviour change. For example, value activation would mean travel restrictions (context change) leading one to consider travelling more sustainably (e.g., cycling; [64]). Previous work has already explored values in relation to the self-activation hypothesis during MoCs [14] but predominantly during relocation. To the best of our knowledge, no research to date has explored the self-activation hypothesis during the start of university as a MoC or during an exogenous MoC such as COVID-19. Consequently, the results from the present article could enrich the MoCs literature and offer new perspectives on the role of values in changing PEBs while going through a MoC.
Another important psychological construct which might play a role in the relationship between MoCs and PEBs is attitudes, which could also have a role in shaping PEBs. Evidence shows that environmental attitudes are positively predicted by universalism which is one of the key characteristics of self-transcendence [65]. Attitudes are evaluative responses toward an object of thought embodying cognitive, behavioural, and affective responses [66]. Thus, holding attitudes towards a particular event or object can be connected to the emergence of behaviours [67]. Previous studies have shown an association between environmental attitudes and behaviours [68] and attitudes and behaviour change [69]. Those with stronger pro-environmental attitudes show higher engagement in PEBs [70,71]. Furthermore, research has shown that there is a relationship between values and PEBs, stipulated that mediating variables (e.g., attitudes) are needed for the reasonable prediction of environmental actions by self-transcendence [72]. Thus, it could be that the effect of values on behaviours is mediated by environmental attitudes [73]. This makes attitudes another vital element in the behavioural domain which should be explored in more detail when investigating MoCs.
Hence, given the well-established perspective in the field that environmental attitudes might serve as mediators guiding the relationship between self-transcendence values and PEBs [72,73], in the present article we test this through the prism of moments of change. We apply a mediation analysis which directly tests this proximal pathway, allowing us to examine whether attitudes statistically carry (part of) the association between values and PEBs during periods of routine disruption. Modelling attitudes as a mediator between self-transcendence values and PEBs therefore provides process evidence about how value orientations become enacted in concrete choices precisely when new behavioural patterns are formed.
Present research
The present article explores how habit discontinuity affects PEBs – more specifically sustainable consumer behaviours, and environmental activism – when going through an exogenous MoC (COVID-19) and a biographical MoC (starting university). The article also looks at the role of values and attitudes in the relationship between MoCs and a change in PEBs and tests the self-activation hypothesis.
- Hypothesis 1. In line with previous studies in the domain of MoCs [18], we hypothesised that:
- Hypothesis 1a: The COVID-19 pandemic will result in changes to young people’s PEBs.
- Hypothesis 1b: The transition from school to university will lead to changes in young people’s PEBs.
These hypotheses are exploratory in their nature due to the lack of studies in the domain; therefore, it is difficult to predict the direction of changes.
- Hypothesis 2. Consistent with past research on the positive influence of self-transcendence values on PEBs [53], we hypothesised that:
- Hypothesis 2a: Self-transcendence would serve as a positive predictor of PEBs during COVID-19 as a MoC.
- Hypothesis 2b: Self-transcendence would serve as a positive predictor of PEBs during the transition from school to university as a MoC.
- Hypothesis 3. Based on the previously established mediating role of attitudes [73], we hypothesised that:
- Hypothesis 3a: Environmental attitudes would serve as a mediator in the relationship between values and PEBs during the COVID-19 pandemic.
- Hypothesis 3b: Environmental attitudes would serve as a mediator in the relationship between values and PEBs during the transition from school to university.
- Hypothesis 4. Studies 1 and 2 further tested the self-activation hypothesis. Previous research has evaluated the effects of MoCs on activating values (e.g., [14]) however only during relocation; in the present research we test the self-activation hypothesis and hypothesise that:
- Hypothesis 4a: Going through COVID-19 as a MoC (Study 1) could activate self-transcendence values which could then lead to positive pro-environmental behaviour change.
- Hypothesis 4b: Going through the start of university as a MoCs (Study 2) could lead to the activation of self-transcendence values which could then lead to a positive change in pro-environmental behaviour.
Study 1
Materials and methods
Ethics.
The Ethics Committee at the Department of Psychology, University of Bath reviewed and approved the study (Reference number: 20-197).
Sample.
We recruited participants by advertising an online study on Facebook with boost posts targeting young people (aged 16–24) living in all areas of the United Kingdom. We collected data at two time points. During the first time point of data collection there were 829 people who took part in the UK survey. However, 468 were excluded as they completed less than 70% of the survey. Another three participants were excluded from the analysis as they only spent between two and six minutes completing the survey which was deemed an insufficient as the median time of completion was 10 minutes. Thus, 358 participants completed part one of the study. From the 358 people, 268 left details to be re-contacted. When contacted about the second part of the survey, 181 agreed to participate. However, 25 people were excluded as they completed less than 70% of the survey, and a further 10 people were excluded as the identifiers they had provided could not be matched with identifiers from the first round of data collection. Therefore, the final sample of the study consisted of 146 participants.
Design.
Our study had a longitudinal within-subjects correlational design investigating the relationship between COVID-19 and young people’s pro-environmental behaviours. The participants reported their pro-environmental behaviours at three time points. They reported on the first two time points in August 2020. First, they were asked to think about their PEBs before the coronavirus outbreak (i.e., March 2020) (time point one), thus providing retrospective answers. Second, they had to report on their PEBs ‘at the moment’ of completing the survey, data was collected between 20 and 27 August 2020 (time point two), therefore after experiencing the COVID-19 pandemic and its restrictive measures. The third time point of data collection was between 30 November and 4 December 2020, during which the participants once again reported their PEBs while experiencing further lockdown measures.
Procedure.
Participants were able to access the online survey on Qualtrics directly by clicking on the Facebook post they saw. After opening the survey, they were presented with an information sheet giving details about the study followed by a consent form. While completing the first survey, respondents were asked to provide contact details (e-mail address) and indicate if they were willing to take part in further studies. Participants were then recontacted three months later via e-mail containing a link to the second part of the study also hosted on Qualtrics. The survey once again included an information sheet and a consent form. Each part of the study was completed voluntary, and participants were entered into a prize draw for a shopping voucher worth £50 for each time point of data collection in which they participated. The participants were debriefed about the purposes of the study at the end of the second survey.
Materials.
Demographics: The participants completed demographic questions about their gender, age, type of place of residence, and employment status.
Pro-environmental behaviours: We used 20 items (3) to measure pro-environmental behaviours. The participants had to rate how often they engaged in different pro-environmental actions, e.g., “encourage other people to save energy”; “use a bike instead of using a car”, etc. The scale was from “Not at all” (1) to “At least once a day” (7). These were combined into four sub-scales using a principal component analysis (see S1 Text): environmental activism (seven items) (α = .81 in Study 1; α = .88 in Study 2); ethical consumption (three items) (α = .57 in Study 1; α = .74 in Study 2); travel behaviours (three items) (α = .41 in Study 1; α = .52 in Study 2); domestic behaviours (five items) (α = .52 in Study 1; α = .70 in Study 2). Due to the low reliability score of the domestic behaviours scale in Study 1, we excluded it from the analysis. Instead, we included a single question asking participants how much of the food they buy was thrown away for the three time-points on a scale from None (1) to More than 30% (5). This applied only to Study 1. Due to the low reliability scores of the scale for travel PEBs in both Study 1 and Study 2, we decided to focus only on active travel which was measured with two items on the use of a bike instead of a car and walking somewhere instead of using a car. This was applied to both Study 1 and Study 2.
Further to this list, the young people also had to estimate their weekly consumption of each of the following: red meat, white meat, fish, and dairy. The scale ranged from Never (1) to Every day (6). These were combined into one sub-scale (four items) (α = .54 in Study 1; α = .64 in Study 2).
Values: We measured personal values using the Portrait Value Questionnaire PVQ (Short-Form) [74] consisting of 21 statements at time point two and time point three. Each gave a description of a person, e.g., “It’s important to her to show her abilities. She wants people to admire what she does.” At the beginning of the questionnaire, participants filled in their gender; thus, they saw either a female, male or non-conforming version of the questionnaire. For each statement, they rated how much each person was like them on a scale from “Not at all like me” (1) to “Very much like me” (6). The sub-scale of this questionnaire has been widely used in previous research and is divided into four sub-scales: Openness to change; Self-enhancement; Conservation; and Self-transcendence. Therefore, in our research we used the established and tested sub-scales as indicated by the authors of the scale, but focused only on self-transcendence values (α = .57 in Study 1; α = .74 in Study 2) due to their connection to environmental behaviour [75]. We collected data on values during timepoint two and again during timepoint three.
Environmental attitudes: We used six items from the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP; [76]) to measure environmental attitudes (α = .44 in Study 1; α = 62. in Study 2) e.g., “Humans have a right to modify the natural environment to suit their needs”. The scale ranged from Strongly disagree (1) to Strongly agree (5). Despite a low reliability, we proceeded with analysis using the NEP as it is one of the most widely-used measures of environmental attitudes [77]. We collected data on environmental attitudes only during timepoint two.
Data analysis plan: We applied multilevel latent growth modelling to test changes in behaviours over time. We built five models, one for each set of pro-environmental behaviours. Next, to investigate the direct effect of self-transcendence values on each set of behaviours and the mediating effect of attitudes we applied path-analytic structural equation models with observed composites. We used R for all estimations. Given that our study is exploratory in nature, we decided not to control for the number of comparisons (Type 1 error) as this could limit our ability to uncover novel relationships or patterns. This allowed us to interpret the findings as exploratory and use them to generate hypotheses for future research.
Results
Descriptive statistics.
Table 1 reports demographic data for the sample. Table 2 reports means and standard deviation for all study variables. Sample sizes of at least 100 people are preferred for growth curve models [78].
Latent growth models.
To track changes over time for each of the five categories of PEBs we applied latent growth models (LGMs). LGMs are better equipped to deal with measurement error and missing data and allow for the modelling of change within individuals over time by treating growth parameters (e.g., intercepts and slopes) as latent variables. This approach is beneficial for understanding the underlying developmental processes that drive changes in observed variables [79]. We specified the LGMs to capture the growth trajectories of individuals over time, and the latent variables included the initial status (intercept) and the rate of change (slope). We considered several indices of the goodness-of-fit. These were: Chi-square, which should not yield a significant result [80]; the root mean square of approximation (RMSEA) where values below.05 show close fit but values up to.08 are also acceptable [81]. The Comparative Fit Index (CFI) and Tucker-Lewis Index (TLI) – values above.95 show very good fit [82], values over.90 provide evidence of acceptable fit [81]; and the Standardised Root Mean Squared Residual (SRMR) which should be up to.05 for a close-fitting model and up to.10 for an acceptable fit [81].
Our first LGM examined changes in the levels of environmental activism. The model had a good fit: x2 (1) = 0.63, p = .426; RMSEA = .001; CFI = 1.00; TLI = 1.05; SRMR = .016, indicating that linear growth was appropriate for the data. The slope of the model was significant (μs = -0.11, p < .05, 95% CI [-.195, -.033]). Thus, our participants’ levels of environmental activism declined after the start of the pandemic (See Table 2).
The LGM exploring change in active travel behaviours had an acceptable fit: x2 (1) = 7.402, p < .05; RMSEA = .209; CFI = .960; TLI = .880; SRMR = .053. The slope of the model was significant (μs = -0.12, p < .05, 95% CI [-.220, -.028]). Thus, our participants engaged in less active travel after the onset of COVID-19 (See Table 2).
Our LGM looking at change over time of ethical consumption behaviours had a good fit: x2 (1) = 1.44, p = .230; RMSEA = .055; CFI = .997; TLI = .992; SRMR = .022, indicating that linear growth was appropriate for the data. The slope was not significant (μs = -0.06, p = .232, 95% CI [-.147,.036]). This revealed there was no change between the three time-points in participants’ ethical consumption behaviours (See Table 2).
We also estimated a LGM tracking changes in food waste levels which had an acceptable fit: x2 (1) =4.49, p < .05; RMSEA = .166; CFI = .938; TLI = .814; SRMR = .059. The slope (μs = -.100, p < .001, 95% CI [-.178, -.022]) was significant. The participants decreased their food waste levels, i.e., threw away less food after the start of the pandemic (See Table 2).
Our final LGM examined change over the first nine months of the pandemic in consumption of animal products. The model had a good fit: x2 (1) = 1.14, p = .285; RMSEA = .033; CFI = .999; TLI = .998; SRMR = .036, indicating linear growth was appropriate for the data. The model revealed the slope was significant (μs = -0.08, p < .05, 95% CI [-.128, -.022]). Our participants consumed less animal products after the start of the pandemic (See Table 2).
Path-analytic structural equation modelling: Mediation.
The next step in our analysis was to investigate the effect of self-transcendence and environmental attitudes on PEBs for which we observed a change over time. Thus, we applied path-analytic structural equation modelling (SEM) with observed composites including self-transcendence as predictor and environmental attitudes as mediator to environmental activism, consumption of animal products, active travel, and food waste in time point three. Models were fit in lavaan with a maximum-likelihood (ML) estimator and bias-corrected bootstrap CIs (10,000 resamples) for indirect effects. Our three-variable mediation models are saturated (just-identified), i.e., they reproduce the sample covariance matrix exactly. Therefore, global fit indices are trivial (χ²(0)=0; CFI/TLI = 1.00; RMSEA = 0; SRMR = 0), thus we focus on interpreting path estimates and R2 rather than omnibus fit [83].
We collected data for people’s values twice – at time two (August 2020) and time three (December 2020). While values tend to be stable over time [59], to test this, we conducted a one-way ANOVA comparing participants’ scores for self-transcendence at time point two and time point three to test this. The results revealed there were no significant differences between the two time-points, F(1, 144) = 0.327, p = .568. Thus, we used the data for self-transcendence from time two as a predictor in our SEMs. The data on environmental attitudes was collected only once during time two.
Our first model included self-transcendence as a predictor, environmental attitudes as a mediator, and levels of environmental activism from time point three as a dependent variable. The results revealed self-transcendence predicted attitudes (b = 0.29, BootSE = 0.078, 95% BCa CI [0.115, 0.423], p = .001), and attitudes predicted activism (b = 0.25, BootSE = 0.142, 95% BCa CI [0.264, 0.822], p < .001). The direct effect of self-transcendence on activism remained significant (b = 0.27, BootSE = 0.117, 95% BCa CI [0.210, 0.678], p < .001). The indirect effect via attitudes was significant (b = 0.139, BootSE = 0.056, 95% BCa CI [0.055, 0.284], p = .013), yielding a total effect of b = 0.582 (BootSE = 0.115, 95% BCa CI [0.365, 0.816]). Variance explained was R2 (attitudes) =.084 and R2 (activism) =.178. (Standardised coefficients: a = .289, b = .273, c′ = .252; indirect = .079; total = .331). Therefore, values were connected with environmental attitudes which in turn were connected with engaging in environmental activism (Fig 2).
Our second model included self-transcendence as a predictor, environmental attitudes as a mediator, and levels of consumption of animal products from time point three as a dependent variable. We found self-transcendence predicted higher environmental attitudes (b = 0.31, BootSE = 0.086, 95% BCa CI [0.134, 0.469], p = .001), but attitudes did not predict animal-product consumption (b = 0.09, BootSE = 0.158, 95% BCa CI [−0.164, 0.447], p = .361). The direct effect of self-transcendence on consumption was negative and significant (b = −0.26, BootSE = 0.107, 95% BCa CI [−0.594, −0.171], p < .001). The indirect effect via attitudes was not significant (b = 0.03, BootSE = 0.048, 95% BCa CI [−0.042, 0.151], p = .404), yielding a total effect of b = −0.23 (BootSE = 0.103, 95% BCa CI [−0.543, −0.136], p = .001). Variance explained was R2_attitudes = .095 and R2_consumption = .062 (Fig 3).
Our models for active travel and food waste did not find direct effects of self-transcendence or environmental attitudes; there were also no significant mediations in the two models. See S2 Text for full details of these SEMs.
Given the modest reliability of the environmental attitudes measure in Study 1 (α = .44), the indirect effects should be viewed as conservative, because measurement error in the mediator preferentially attenuates both constituent paths of the mediation. Consequently, the significant mediation for environmental activism is likely a lower-bound estimate of the underlying mechanism, and the null mediations for animal-product consumption, active travel, and food waste should be interpreted cautiously as potentially underpowered rather than definitive evidence of no indirect effect. We therefore refrain from fine-grained comparisons of indirect path magnitudes across domains and note that stronger inferences would require a higher-reliability attitude measure or repeated attitude assessment.
Linear regressions.
The final step in our analysis was to establish whether the MoC activated participants’ self-transcendence values which in turn led to a change in engagement with PEBs, i.e., environmental activism, consumption of animal products, active travel, and food waste. To test this, we subtracted the score of time one from time two, and of time two from time three, for each of the three PEB variables. Next, we checked whether self-transcendence was a significant predictor of these new variables. All our linear regressions showed non-significant results, indicating that self-transcendence values did not influence engagement in PEBs (See Table 3).
Discussion
The findings from Study 1 offered some insight into the relationship between the COVID-19 pandemic and changes in young people’s PEBs. We found mixed results; in the nine months after the start of COVID-19 our participants reported consuming fewer animal products, and throwing away less food; thus, these behaviours increased, indicating a positive influence linked to the pandemic. However, we also observed reductions in PEBs; our participants engaged in less environmental activism and less active travel. These findings support H1a. The results for the changes in PEBs are in line with previous work exploring changes in meat consumption and food waste during the pandemic (e.g., [27,28]), but contrast findings on the relationship between COVID-19 and active travel (e.g., [25]). The latter could be due to the characteristics of the sample, i.e., living in smaller villages or towns, and the availability of infrastructure (e.g., bike hire schemes).
Next, self-transcendence values had a direct effect only on the consumption of animal products and environmental activism in partial support of H2a. The latter relationship was also mediated by attitudes in partial support of H3a. These findings offer important insights on the different factors which might guide young people’s engagement with everyday green actions. For example, the effect of values and attitudes could be more pronounced with actions which do not require additional effort (e.g., signing an online petition) compared to actions which might rely on external factors such as infrastructure (e.g., active travelling). In addition, we did not find support for the self-activation hypothesis in Study 1 in contrast to H4a. Previous research has only explored this during biographical MoCs; the present findings suggest the pandemic restrictions could have been the guiding factor in people’s decision-making rather than their values.
In Study 1, we focused on an exogenous MoC characterised by its sudden occurrence – the COVID-19 pandemic – whereas in Study 2, we examined a biographical MoC, the transition from school to university, and investigated their effects on young people’s PEBs.
Study 2
Method and materials
Ethics.
The Ethics Committees at the Department of Psychology, University of Bath (Reference number: 20–197) and the School of Psychology, Cardiff University (Reference number: EC.20.04.14.6001) reviewed and approved the study.
Sample.
Recruitment avenues included participation panels at the University of Bath and Cardiff University as well as social media (the personal Twitter account of the first author and Facebook groups for first year (freshers) students at one of the universities). University communications teams also distributed information about the survey on various screens on the premises of the campus and on the faculty web pages. Two hundred and fifty-six first-year university students completed the study between November and December 2020. The data of an additional 39 students was excluded: 10 did not complete the full survey, three spent insufficient time responding (less than four minutes for the full survey, compared to a median completion time of 10 mins), and 26 were outliers (details below).
Design.
A within-subjects retrospective pre-post correlational design was used to investigate the relation between going through the start of university as a biographical MoCs and students’ pro-environmental behaviours. During completion of the questionnaire, participants filled in the measures for PEBs twice. First, they were asked to think about their time before starting to university, i.e., September 2020, thus providing retrospective answers. Second, they had to report on their PEBs ‘at the moment’ of completing the survey, thus for the period 1–2 months after they had started university. Data was collected between 12 November and 5 December 2020. All other measures (e.g., values) were completed only once and the participants were told to answer according to the present time, i.e., at the time of taking part in the study.
Procedure.
The participants from the Psychology departments at the two universities signed up via the relevant experimental management system. They were then able to access a link to the survey via Qualtrics. After opening the survey, they were presented with an information sheet giving details about the study. Before they could begin filling in the survey, the participants had to provide informed consent after reading a consent form explaining their rights and clicking on ‘I CONSENT to participate’. They could not begin the study without clicking this button. The psychology students at both universities received course credit for their participation in the study, while those who belonged to other departments were entered into a prize draw for a £50 gift voucher. At the end of the survey, all participants were debriefed.
Data analysis plan.
To test our first hypothesis investigating changes in pro-environmental behaviours due to the transfer from school to university we conducted a number of paired samples t-tests comparing the levels of the PEBs before and after starting university. The rest of the data analysis plan mirrors the one in Study 1.
Results
Descriptive statistics.
Before conducting analyses, the data was checked for any potential outliers. Twenty-six participants were identified as outliers and removed from further analyses. Thus, the final sample of the study consisted of 256 first year students. Demographic data are summarised in Table 4. Power analysis using G*Power [84] revealed that the total sample size for the present study should be 156 participants when conducting paired-samples t-tests.
Paired samples t-tests comparing pro-environmental behaviours before and after starting university.
To test H1, we conducted paired samples t-tests to evaluate differences between the scores of the participants for PEBs before and after going through the two MoCs. An increase in the scores for domestic behaviours, environmental activism, ethical consumption behaviours, and active travel behaviours would indicate there was a positive change in behaviours. A decrease in the scores for the consumption of animal products would also indicate a positive change in behaviours.
The results revealed significant differences for the frequencies of engaging in all categories of PEBs and the consumption of animal products (See Table 5).
Based on the results from the t-tests, starting university was related to positive changes in young people’s domestic and travel behaviours as engagement in these increased, and in the consumption of animal products as this showed a decrease. However, there were declines in environmental activism, and ethical consumption as these decreased after the start of university paired with COVID-19 restrictions.
Path-analytic structural equation modelling: Mediation.
As with Study 1, we used path-analytic SEM with composite scores to test for the direct effect of self-transcendence on PEBs and for the mediating effect of environmental attitudes on the relationship between values and behaviours.
Our model for domestic behaviours found that self-transcendence predicted higher attitudes (b = 0.29, BootSE = 0.050, 95% BCa CI [0.147, 0.346], p < .001). Attitudes did not predict engagement in domestic behaviours (b = 0.12, BootSE = 0.089, 95% BCa CI [−0.004, 0.347], p = .052), but there was a direct effect of self-transcendence on domestic behaviours path (b = 0.36, BootSE = 0.080, 95% BCa CI [0.283, 0.598], p < .001). The indirect effect via attitudes was marginally significant (b = 0.03, BootSE = 0.023, 95% BCa CI [0.003, 0.096], p = .067), yielding a total effect of b = 0.35 (BootSE = 0.082, 95% BCa CI [0.325, 0.644], p < .001). Variance explained was R2 (attitudes) =.083 and R2 (domestic behaviours) =.168. Therefore, higher self-transcendence values were connected with higher environmental attitudes which in turn could have lead to engaging in more domestic PEBs (Fig 4).
Our model for consumption of animal products, found that self-transcendence predicted higher attitudes (b = 0.29, BootSE = 0.050, 95% BCa CI [0.150, 0.348], p < .001). Attitudes, in turn, predicted lower animal-product consumption (b = −0.22, BootSE = 0.092, 95% BCa CI [−0.493, −0.131], p = .001), and there was also a direct negative effect of self-transcendence on consumption (b = −0.22, BootSE = 0.072, 95% BCa CI [−0.303, −0.023], p = .017). The indirect effect via attitudes was significant (b = −0.065, BootSE = 0.028, 95% BCa CI [−0.146, −0.033], p = .007), yielding a total effect of b = −0.208 (BootSE = 0.069, 95% BCa CI [−0.375, −0.104], p < .001). Variance explained was R2 (attitudes) =.086 and R2 (consumption of animal products) =.088.Therefore, higher self-transcendence values are connected with higher environmental attitudes which in turn lead to consuming less animal products (Fig 5).
Our models for environmental activism, ethical consumption, and active travel did not find a main effect of self-transcendence or environmental attitudes on these variables. The SEMs also did not find significant mediations between the self-transcendence and environmental attitudes for any of the three types of behaviours. Please see S3 Text for a detailed breakdown.
Linear regression: Self-activation hypothesis.
The final step in our analysis for Study 2 mirrored the one in Study 1 by testing the self-activation hypothesis using linear regressions for domestic behaviours and the consumption of animal products. We subtracted participants’ scores during time one from their scores during time two for each of three variables. Next, we checked whether self-transcendence was a significant predictor of these new variables. The linear regression analyses are presented in Table 6.
As evident from the results there were no significant differences for changes in environmental activism and domestic behaviours. However, there were significant differences for the consumption of fish, meat and dairy. The students with higher levels of self-transcendence exhibited even more reductions in their consumption of animal products compared to those with low levels of self-transcendence.
Discussion
The results from Study 2 indicated that after starting university, young people engaged in more domestic PEBs and more active travel and reduced their consumption of animal products. However, there were some reductions, as our findings showed there were lower levels of environmental activism and lower engagement in ethical consumption. These findings are in line with H1b. The results offer key insights on the relationship between the start of university as a biographical MoC and changes in various PEBs which has received little attention to date.
In addition, Study 2 showed that self-transcendence values had a direct positive effect on domestic behaviours and the consumption of animal products in partial support of H2b. We also reported significant mediations through environmental attitudes for these two sets of behaviours in partial support for H3b. These findings provide further evidence about the strong relationship between self-transcendence values, attitudes, and behaviours which are more likely to be internally motivated (e.g., meat consumption) compared to behaviours which are more likely to be guided by external factors such as infrastructure (e.g., active travel). Finally, we found support for the self-activation hypothesis only for the consumption of animal products after the MoC; the reductions in consumption of animal products were stronger for students with higher levels of self-transcendence compared to those with lower levels. This finding is in partial support of H4b. This provides direct evidence for the effect of self-transcendence values on changes in meat consumption and is in line with past studies in the biographical MoCs domain (e.g., [18]).
General discussion
The main aim of the present research was to explore changes in young people’s PEBs going through an exogenous MoC, i.e., the COVID-19 pandemic, and a biographical MoC, i.e., the transition from school to university. It also examined the potential impact of self-transcendence values and environmental attitudes on PEBs. Finally, it tested the self-activation hypothesis, looking at whether a MoC could activate values which subsequently affect one’s behaviours.
Changes to young people’s PEBs after MoCs
In both Study 1 and Study 2, we found a set of positive (i.e., pro-environmental) relationships between significant life events and domestic behaviours, and the consumption of animal products. In both studies we also found a negative relationship between significant life events and environmental activism, and specifically in Study 2 we reported a negative relationship with ethical consumption. For active travel, the results were mixed: in Study 1 we found a decline after the exogenous MoC, whereas in Study 2 we found an increase after the biographical MoC. These results are in line with both H1a and H1b which predicted there will be changes to young people’s PEBs after experiencing MoCs.
The results from the present research are consistent with previous studies and data on the effects of MoCs on everyday sustainable behaviours. For example, the Vegan Society [27] reported a rise in vegetarian and vegan diet after the start of COVID-19. The fall in meat and dairy consumption could be attributed to fewer opportunities to dine out which is when people usually consume more non-vegetarian meals [85]. However, this was not possible due to pandemic restrictions. In addition, the global pandemic has also led to worsening of the financial situation of students around the UK, as 80% of them reported experiencing financial struggles due to COVID-19 [86], with 38% saying they had cut back on food spending. This could also be observed in the results from Study 2 where new undergraduates also faced COVID-19 restrictions. The first-year undergraduates stated they lowered their intake of fish, meat and dairy products consistent with previous research which found that starting university is associated with a reduction in meat consumption [87]. Seafood and red meat are higher-priced items; thus, living on their own and having less disposable income could have led to a drop in consumption. Reviews of university settings consistently show that taste, availability and price are the dominant determinants of students’ selections, with constrained budgets steering choices toward cheaper options [88].
The decrease in active travel in Study 1 was not consistent with reports showing that people engaged in more cycling and walking in the first nine months of the pandemic [25]. Most of our sample reported living in in a village or a large town (66.4%), therefore, they might have relied on a car to reach facilities such as bigger supermarkets. In addition, the findings observed by Corker et al. [25] were mainly related to bigger cities where people could more easily hire bikes or e-scooters, making infrastructure availability a key factor in travel mode choice. However, we observed positive changes in travel PEBs in Study 2, and these are in line with an increase in active travelling after the start of university reported by Rau and Manton [89] as well as by research exploring other biographical MoCs during late adolescence, e.g., relocation [64]. Almost 80% of the sample in Study 2 lived in student accommodation, therefore we could argue that engaging in active travel could have been easier for new students due to the usually close proximity of student housing to university facilities, as well as to amenities such as supermarkets. This is also consistent with disrupted commute routines after relocation when mode choice among university students varies with new distances and spatial contexts, and these types of transitions are precisely when travel habits are most malleable [90]. This once again suggests the important role infrastructure might have as a deciding factor in travel behaviours.
The results of Study 1 also showed there was no change in participants’ levels of ethical consumption during the first nine months of the pandemic consistent with data reported by Vladimirova et al. [91] from various countries including the UK which stated that for 54% of consumers their engagement with buying eco-friendly clothes during COVID-19 remained the same. However, Study 2 found a decrease in ethical consumption for new students. Late adolescence is accompanied by an increasing need for social and psychological independence [92] achieved through a newfound sense of autonomy. A large part of this freedom is a certain level of financial independence from one’s parents. Thus, during this period students gain the ability to operate their own finances. The consumer behaviours we explored included purchasing organic food, and items of clothing made from natural materials. These products usually have a higher price point. Reviews focused on students highlight budget and availability as primary constraints on ethical food purchasing in university settings [93]. In addition, we collected data for both studies in 2020 during the first wave of COVID-19 when around 80% of students reported experiencing financial struggles because of the pandemic [86]. Our results indicated that indeed for students, who reported a larger effect of COVID-19 and its restrictions on green actions, there were declines in ethical consumption and increases in domestic behaviours. This makes COVID-19 and its restriction an additional reason for the change in first-year students’ ethical consumption, but also for them becoming more resourceful by increasing their domestic PEBs, i.e., saving energy and cutting down on food waste reported in Study 2. Furthermore, as students assume budget and cooking autonomy, qualitative and survey evidence has identified links between meal planning or leftover management with lower waste in student households [94,95].Throwing away less food was also observed after the start of the pandemic in Study 1. This is a promising result and has been widely observed during COVID-19 with reports from CAST [28] and Wrap [30] indicating a decline of food waste in the UK, and could also be partially attributed to people trying to save more resources.
Finally, both studies reported lower engagement with environmental activism. A possible explanation is the COVID-19 pandemic itself which severely restricted the opportunities for gatherings of large crowds of people. Thus, young people, who also had to abide by lockdown measures, had fewer opportunities to express their positions as active citizens. In the context of the transition to university, activism can dip as participation is highly network and opportunity dependent while first-semester integration tasks compete for time. Studies related to on-campus activism and first-year adjustment emphasise the centrality of social ties and time demands for sustained engagement [96]. Given that young people are heavily influenced by their peers’ actions when it comes to civic participation and activism [97], the lack of the organised in-person #FridayForFuture protests could have also driven down other environmental activism behaviours online. Furthermore, the lack of in-person campus activities organised by student societies could have also contributed to lower levels of environmental activism as students had less access to information which is central to raising awareness levels [98].
On the one hand, we could assume that some of the changes during the biographical (planned) MoC are behaviours for which people are actively looking for an alternative due to the new physical and/or social environment. Therefore, they are based on careful consideration with the idea of replacing old and potentially harmful habits. However, there could be behavioural changes due to the lack of an ability to perform old behaviours. For example, students who used to drive a car before coming to university might switch to walking or taking public transport because they are unable to bring a car on campus (e.g., lack of parking). On the other hand, people seemed forced into their new lifestyles and behaviours during the unplanned moment of change (COVID-19) with a hope to go back to normality. Nonetheless, there are some caveats to consider. The adoption of new diets during lockdown could stem from a desire to lead a healthier life rather than COVID-19 restrictions. Similarly, reduction in food waste could be due to economic decisions related to saving money. Therefore, while the two MoCs appear hugely different in their characteristics, they might offer similar opportunities for change. Further, the success of these changes could be very dependent on the types of behaviours and on external factors.
Overall, the present studies showed support for the habit discontinuity hypothesis. This is consistent with studies exploring other MoCs, such as relocation [99,100]. However, the current definition of MoCs is tightly linked to this hypothesis and offers a rather generalisable notion of the concept. The present findings are promising but they also show that more work is needed to identify and distinguish different MoCs in order to consider the specific characteristics of each life transition. It is important to be able to unpack these differences as this would help expand the theory and dynamics behind MoCs. This is crucial for applying behavioural change interventions during MoCs, specifically interventions which are aimed at tackling climate change and reaching net-zero.
The effects of values and attitudes on PEBs
The second hypothesis in our research stated that participants with higher levels of self-transcendence would engage in more PEBs after the MoC; this relationship would be mediated by environmental attitudes according to our third hypothesis. Our SEMs showed that self-transcendence was a significant predictor for environmental activism (Study 1), domestic behaviours (Study 2), and the consumption of animal products for both studies, and these relationships were mediated by environmental attitudes. These results are partially in line with H2a, H2b, H3a, and H3b.
These results offer an interesting insight into the factors influencing the various categories of PEBs. For example, meat consumption is strongly associated with self-transcendence [101], similar to recycling and waste reduction [59]. Engaging in actions which correspond to core values is an important way for people to express and project their beliefs and attitudes to the outer world [102]. In addition, values could also be seen as an integral part to one’s self-identity [103] and their stability over time could affect and guide more time-flexible constructs such as attitudes which in turn affect behaviours [104]. Having a vegan or vegetarian diet, signing petitions, or wasting less food might be easier and more fitting ways for people to express their concern for the environment and their attitudes and perception towards climate change than switching their commute routines. In recent years, such behaviours have been greatly associated with having an eco-friendly lifestyle, and veganism specifically has been described as a lifestyle movement [105].
This contrasts with behaviours which might be guided by other factors. For example, walking and cycling are often associated with living a healthy life rather than a sustainable one [106]. Also, compared to going vegan or vegetarian, active travelling is related to extra time for planning, available infrastructure, and convenience [107]. Therefore, people might be considering the additional effort and greater effect on their daily lives, rather than their personal values, when changing their active travel behaviours. Nevertheless, our two samples consisted of young people, most of whom did not rely on a car anyway.
Testing the self-activation hypothesis
Our final set of hypotheses (H4a and H4b) set out to test whether MoCs could activate values which then lead to changes in behaviours, also known as the self-activation hypothesis. We did not find support for the self-activation hypothesis during the exogenous MoC (COVID-19), i.e., our results do not support H4a in Study 1. The changes in behaviours we reported in Study 1 could be purely because people were trying to adjust to what was allowed during lockdown rather than being guided by self-transcendence values. Thus, we could speculate that values are not the primary motivations guiding adaptive behaviours during exogenous MoCs. However, more research testing self-activation during exogenous MoCs is needed to provide more concrete conclusions.
In Study 2, we found that students with stronger pro-environmental values seemed to exhibit greater change (consumed less) in their consumption of fish, meat and dairy in partial support of H4b. Thus, the start of university might activate one’s values which could then promote a change towards more pro-environmental food choices. This gives us reason to speculate that the change in this behaviour could be attributed to people’s values rather than external factors. This indicates partial support for the self-activation hypothesis which has already been established in past studies looking biographical MoCs [18,108]. It also aligns with evidence that food choices are frequent, proximal, and morally salient, so biospheric values most readily translate into concrete dietary shifts [109]. By contrast, we observed null results for activism, active travel, and ethical consumption. As discussed above, these domains are more structurally constrained, activism depends on networks, time, and campus opportunity structures, active travel hinges on distance and infrastructure; and ethical consumption among students is limited by price and availability. Therefore, sustaining a well-documented attitude – behaviour gap. People’s values remain an important determinant in their pro-environmental lifestyle. However, our results suggest that value activation at the start of university might be most prominent where contextual friction is low and supportive choice architectures are present, while other domains likely require structural supports in addition to personal values similar to a recent findings from a systematic review on MoCs [10].
Limitations and future directions
Some of the limitations of the current research should be addressed. The research relied on self-reported measures for tracking behaviour change. Previous studies have shown that self-reported measures are not fully consistent with actual behaviours; this is especially true in the environmental domain [110]. Furthermore, data for time point one in both Study 1 and Study 2 were collected retrospectively. This could be a potential issue as participants might not have a good recollection of their actions. Nevertheless, the behaviours reported in the subsequent time points corresponded to the time of data collection. The use of retrospective data collection has been supported in the literature, particularly in longitudinal and biographical research where prospective data collection is not feasible. For instance, studies in travel research [111,112] rely on retrospective reports and have found these to be reliable especially when probing specific behaviours during recent events. In the present research, both studies focused on distinguished types of behaviours (i.e., pro-environmental ones) during events which occurred less than six months before data collection. The theoretical underpinnings of recall accuracy suggest that while there may be some memory decay, significant life events and behaviours are often remembered with sufficient accuracy [113]. Future studies could focus on collecting data before the beginning of a biographical MoCs which could offer more accurate representation of behaviours. In addition, we also tracked behaviour change via self-report measures which might result in inaccurate measurement. Nonetheless, they are easy to administer, require less time for filling in, and could reach a wider audience. Future studies could use technology to collect behaviour data, for example, smartphone applications where participants record their daily pro-environmental behaviours.
Another limitation is the low reliability scores of some of the measures used for tracking pro-environmental behaviours. This was specifically evident in Study 1. One potential reason for this is the fact that participants for Study 1 were recruited online, resulting in a more diverse sample in terms of demographics, education levels, and potentially varying levels of familiarity with the measures used. This is compared to the participants in Study 2 who were mainly psychology students at university. The diversity in the former sample likely contributed to greater variability in responses.
The research also finds some support for the habit discontinuity hypothesis as there is evidence of behaviour change for actions which are usually considered habitual after the start of the MoC. However, conclusions should be taken with caution as there were no measures in the research aimed at testing habit change. Therefore, future studies could include questionnaires specifically testing habitual behaviour and habit strength, for example, the Self-Report Habit Index (SRHI) [114]. This would allow for a more nuanced understanding of behaviour change and more concrete conclusions about the habit discontinuity hypothesis, specifically disrupting old habits and forming new ones, during moments of change.
Next, our studies did not include control groups not going through MoCs which weakens any causal claims pertaining to the relationship between the two MoCs and changes in PEBs. Future studies should recruit two sets of participants, i.e., those going through a MoC and those not going through one. There could still be difficulties as graduating from secondary education is a MoC in itself independent of whether young people continue into higher education or not.
Study 1 and Study 2 also suffered from samples with predominantly female participants, 85.6% and 91% respectively. This limits the generalisability of our results; it also does not give us any opportunity to investigate gender differences which have previously been reported in the literature [115]. In addition, Study 1 experienced substantial attrition from the initial 829 participants to the longitudinal analytical sample (N = 146; ≈ 82% attrition), and the retained sample was predominantly female (85.6%). However, given that we recruited through social media this rate of attrition is not that unusual especially when we consider that we had included only a few vouchers as incentives [116]. In addition, our latent growth models used FIML, which yields unbiased estimates if data are missing at random (MAR), the magnitude of dropout makes MAR uncertain. If those who remained were systematically more conscientious, engaged, or pro-environmentally inclined than those who exited, both baseline levels and the slopes of change could be biased. For example, higher baseline PEB among completers could (a) compress observed declines (if ceiling effects apply) or (b) magnify change (if highly engaged participants were more responsive to pandemic-related disruption). Accordingly, the Study 1 change estimates should be interpreted with caution and viewed as most applicable to samples similar in composition to our retained cohort. Future studies should ensure a more diverse and representative sample. Moreover, given the popularity of the UK as a study destination to people from all over the world, it might be interesting to compare the effect of starting university on the PEBs of domestic and international first-year students. There could be important differences due to the bigger transition experienced by non-UK nationals and their acculturation when settling in the UK. In addition, the effect of other psychological constructs on behaviour change could also be explored.
Finally, we collected data up to three months after the MoC, which limits the potential of substantial long-term effects on PEBs. Future studies should focus on collecting longer-term data, these could also investigate possible interventions which could result in behavioural change, for example beyond university and into people’s professional lives. Thus, interventions should explore ways in which newly-formed behaviours could be sustained in the long-term and perhaps lead to changes in other PEBs, so-called spillover effects [117]. Such interventions should build on the factors observed here to shape PEBs, including values and attitudes. This could include carbon literacy training for new students to provide relevant knowledge and skills for low-carbon behaviour change, capitalising on youth concern about climate change and the habit disruption of starting higher education.
Conclusion
This article contributes to a growing body of literature at the intersection of developmental and environmental psychology, focusing on MoCs. The aim was to explore the effects of MoCs on young people’s PEBs. It is one of the few studies to explore how the transfer from school to university might affect PEBs and adds to the growing evidence base on the effects of COVID-19 on PEBs. In addition, it treats COVID-19 as a MoC, thus shedding more light on it as an unexpected and unplanned disruption. The present findings have demonstrated that MoCs might represent an important opportunity for breaking habits when accompanying factors are carefully considered. In particular, some MoCs may allow for values or attitudes to activate PEBs, but this is not inevitable. There seems to be a complex relationship between a MoC, one’s values and attitudes, and the surrounding infrastructure, as these all serve as catalysts for effective pro-environmental behaviour change. Our findings highlight the importance of targeted interventions during life transitions. Policymakers, educators, and scientists can leverage these insights to learn more about the readiness of people to change their behaviours during both biographical and exogenous MoCs. This could then be applied in designing interventions and policies aimed at achieving more sustainable habits to help mitigate climate change, such as targeted programmes, enhanced education curriculum, resources and support for individuals going through MoCs, infrastructure development, community-based initiatives, awareness campaigns, and engagement with other stakeholders, e.g., local government, schools or universities, and businesses. Overall, these findings reinforce the value of designing timely, targeted interventions during key life transitions to encourage sustainable lifestyle change.
Supporting information
S1 Text. Appendix A – Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA).
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000709.s001
(DOCX)
S2 Text. Appendix B – Additional SEM analyses for Study 1.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000709.s002
(DOCX)
S3 Text. Appendix C – Additional SEM analyses for Study 2.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pclm.0000709.s003
(DOCX)
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