2.1 Resource scarcity and high-intensity sensory consumption

Resource scarcity is a universal aspect of human life and a subjective feeling that there are fewer resources available than needed [9, 30]. Gong and Goldsmith et al. [31] defined resource scarcity as perceived or observed discrepancy between one’s current available resources and a higher, more desirable resources such as money, time, food, or other kinds of consumable and measurable resources to meet vital needs. Different resource scarcity has different representations of the sense of lacking, some are mindset, others are psychological [1]. Although this sense of lacking arises from different kinds of resources scarcity, they have one critical common characteristic: an adverse discrepancy [32] (Goldsmith et al. 2021). Resources scarcity is essentially a subjective feeling, which is activated by two factors: objective insufficiency and subjective insufficiency [33]. People with scarce resources will have negative emotions such as deficiency and unhappiness if it is difficult to directly address resource scarcity in a short period of time [23]. Sharma’s research shows that the unpleasant and inferiority affect associated with financial deprivation motivates people to choose, attend to, and consume scarce products rather than comparable abundant goods. Research has shown that individuals employ various mechanisms to defend their unhappiness and depression in the face of resource scarcity [20, 34, 35]. Following the experience of resource scarcity, people are motivated to make up for these deficiency and unhappiness through many different defense mechanisms. Two special self-restoration mechanisms that have gained sizeable research interest are compensatory consumption and self-acceptance.

A first set of responses to resource scarcity includes participating in compensatory behavior to mitigate the negative emotions of scarcity [11, 23, 36, 37]. Those compensatory consumption can be symbolically associated with the original source of the resource scarcity [16, 31] or can occur in domains outside of the resource scarcity [23, 37]. For instance, Griskevicius et al. [16] (2013) find that cues of resource scarcity led people from lower socioeconomic status childhoods to prefer consumption of riskier rewards. Similarly, Gong et al. [31] find that reminders of resource scarcity pose a threat to consumers’ personal freedoms, which in turn leads them to choose brands or products supported by a minority in an attempt to reassert their diminished freedom. In this context, a large body of literature has documented the relationship between characteristics of consumer demand (such as status needs) and conspicuous consumption as a compensatory mechanism. For example, researchers [15, 36, 38] find that consumers with high need for status or power prefer luxury goods that are conspicuously branded because these products symbolize status or power [3]. Lisjak et al. [13] call the consumption of products that symbolize accomplishment in the domain of resource scarcity as “within-domain” compensation. They argue that such within-domain compensation behavior can serve as a psychological salve to restore the self-discrepancy triggered by resource scarcity.

Although a rich body of research focuses on within-domain compensation consumption to offset a resource scarcity, all compensatory consumption need not be in the same domain as self-discrepancy. This compensatory consumption, which is not related to the source of the resource scarcity, is known as ‘across-domain’ compensatory consumption [13], although other names for this type of compensatory consumption include ‘fluid compensation’ [35] and ‘cross-domain compensation’ [39]. For example, researchers have shown that distinctiveness of the prime increases the willingness of the consumer to pay for their favorite foods and that thirst, hunger, or sexual arousal increases the option of unique products [39]. These findings suggest that consumption outcomes are also known to be not always relevant to the primed need. For example, consumers who are in poverty consume more high-calorie food intake [40, 41], and low income leads to increased consumption of higher-status or positional products [42, 43]. Therefore, in the absence of a chance to symbolically fulfill the self through scarcity-related consumption, compensatory consumption in an unrelated domain may alleviate the threat of resource scarcity. Kim S. and Derek D. [20] suggested that distractive experiences, which are unrelated to the property of the self-threat, such as listening to music or the consumption of cookies, can be used to mitigate self-awareness as a reaction to some kind of threat. Similarly, when financial scarcity poses a threat to consumers’ freedom of choice, the distractive experience of seeking diversity can help reduce that threat [44]. They find that participants who had experienced resource scarcity preferred more distracting activities.

Similarly, relevant to present research are other outcomes of resource scarcity, including sensory or perceptual biases deriving from the experience of resource scarcity. For instance, research on affect-gating suggests that an organism’s emotional state can make it more sensitive to different types of sensory inputs, such as tactile or visual stimulation [45]. Similarly, food scarcity leads to a 32% expansion of adjustment in mammalian orienting, as it amplified variability in visual sensory threshold responses [46]. Using ethnographical methods, Scott et al. [47] show that consuming high-intensity sensory experiences, such as electric shocks and freezing water, can help create a sense of a fulfilled life by providing an opportunity to escape from the mundane self. Through eight studies, Yang and Zhang [48] show that resource scarcity can affect consumers’ preferences for high-stimulation sensory consumption, such as haunted houses and horror movies. It is reasonable that high intensity sensory consumption as a kind of compensatory consumption is used to restore the self-discrepancy caused by resource scarcity. Extrapolating from such studies the effects of resource scarcity on increased sensitivity to sensory input, increased taste indulgence, and perceptual bias, we propose that resource scarcity can trigger a general preference for more intense sensory consumption. We hypothesize that consumers facing resource scarcity will prefer high-intensity sensory consumption and that this high-intensity sensory consumption will extend across all sensory domains.

1. H1: Consumers subjected to resource scarcity will exhibit a propensity for HISC compared to those who are not subjected to resource scarcity.

2.2 Negatively valenced HISC

Some previous studies indicate that positively and negatively valenced arousing stimuli may have a different effect on self-restoration. As suggested by Gorn et al. [49], compared to low-arousal states, high-arousal states reduce cognitive processing capability, leading to a polarization of judgments toward an individual’s existing emotional state, making positive or negative affect more obvious. They find that the polarizing effect is more pronounced for self-referent claims. Shen and Wyer [50] report the influencing factors of positively and negatively valenced product arousing information and find that the influence of negatively valenced arousing information is relatively greater. Alberts and Thewissen [51] explores that mindfulness arousal has a significant effect on memory of positively and negatively valenced stimuli. They find that participants who received the brief mindfulness arousal have significantly lower memory of negatively valenced stimuli. Kaneko et al. [52] recently introduced the EmojiGrid as valid and language-independent self-assessment tools to measure food-related emotional arousal. The results show that the relationship between valence and arousal is a well-known U-shape.

The question then is raised as to whether the HISC must be positively valenced for resulting in self-restoration. Research on the competing theory of arousal bias [53] suggests that positive and negative sources of arousal have similar impacts on attentional biases, and the amygdala is activated in both cases [54–56]. This stream of research shows that high-intensity arousal is more important than valence in the aspect of biasing attention or recall of target-related stimuli or information. As early as 2001, Garavan [57] find that Amygdala activation, relative to low arousal, is significantly increased for both negatively and positively valenced stimuli and does not differ for the two valences. Further research by Baeken et al. [58] later find that the negatively and positively valenced stimuli are selected to be equal in arousal levels, because emotional valence and arousal may be controlled by different nervous systems. In fact, Mehta et al. [7] even find that louder (at higher decibel levels) negative ambient noise increases arousal levels more than negative sounds at lower decibel levels. Hill et al. [59] find that both negatively and positively valenced stimuli can facilitate mirror neuron activity, which provides empirical support for a bidirectional link between the mirror neuron system and emotion. Tanck et al. [60] examine gender differences in affective and evaluative responses to body checking. They find that both negatively valenced body checking and positively valenced body checking led to increased negative affect in both men and women.

Prior literature suggests that people experiencing different kinds of scarcity may be interested in enhancing their arousal to restore self-worth through negative valanced stimuli. Griskevicius et al. [16] find that people experiencing economic deprivation were more likely to seek entertainment with negatively valanced stimuli and suggest that this preference may be a way for people to increase their arousal levels and temporarily escape scarce-related stress and anxiety in order to restore their self-worth. Mogilner et al. [61] find that people experiencing time scarcity are more inclined to choose products or experiences that offer instant gratification and excitement, even if those experiences are negative in nature. This preference for negatively valanced stimuli, they explain, may be driven by a desire for arousal in the face of limited resources. Meier et al. [62] find that people who experience food scarcity prefer to view vague stimuli as threats and show higher physiological responses to negatively valanced stimuli. They suggest that this increased sensitivity to negatively valanced stimuli may be a way people respond to potential threats. These studies suggest that people experiencing scarcity may be more interested in negatively valenced stimuli to increase their arousal levels and cope with the stress and anxiety associated with scarcity to restore their self-worth. Consequently, we hypothesize that both positive and negative valenced HISC will increase the arousal levels, thus filling the psychological emptiness resulting from resource scarcity and gaining a kind of psychological compensation. In other words, the process of propensity for HISC by resource-scarce consumers will be independent of the valence of the sensory consumption, since we expect both to be compensatory consumption for resource-scarce consumers.

1. H2: Consumers subjected to resource scarcity who engage in negatively valenced HISC will present increased propensity levels similar to those who engage in positively valenced HISC.

2.3 Resource scarcity, self-worth, and mechanisms of self-restoration

Self-worth is a favorable opinion or estimate of one’s self, which depends on one or more areas of one’s identity. Specifically, the contingency of self-worth is the category or domain of outcomes in which an individual stakes their self-esteem, so that an individual’s perception of her or his worth depends on perceived successes, failures or adherence to self-standards in that category or domain [63]. Self-worth, as defined by Hibbert [64], refers to the person’s level of value and acceptance of being and abilities. To help understand this concept, Shah et al. [1] proposed a state-dependent explanation of scarcity: they posit that no matter how limited the resource itself is (time, money, food, etc.), mere feeling of not having enough can trigger a scarcity mindset. Self-worth is based on an individual’s perception and self-evaluation of social objects [65, 66]. Therefore, self-worth is largely determined by an individual’s perceptions of the outside world, influenced by both positive and negative events [67]. For example, an individual’s position in the social class hierarchy leads to different psychological characteristics [68]. People with scarce resources tend to be at the bottom of the social class hierarchy, while those with abundant resources tend to be at the top of the social class hierarchy [69]. Such discrepancies can have wide-ranging effects on the physiology, psychology, and behavior of different social class hierarchy [70, 71]. Individuals who are limited by social resources and status for a long time are prone to be influenced by external situational factors in their psychology and behavior [68] (Kraus et al., 2012), and have a lower self-worth and a higher threat sensitivity [72–74]. Childhood experiences of resource scarcity affect self-confidence and self-esteem even in adult consumers [75, 76]. On the contrary, individuals with more social resources tend to be more respected and rewarded. With low variability, individuals interpret resource scarcity as a psychological threat to individuals.

Following such psychological threat, individuals will be motivated to take action through various defense mechanisms to restore self-worth. Self-worth, as a self-perception, is a source of psychological vulnerability [77]. Therefore, resource scarcity can produce an aversive psychological state that threatens the contingency of self-worth (Steele 1988), induces self-discrepancy, which can result in a state of discomfort [13, 78]. Cannon et al. [23] propose that consumers with scarce resources will have negative emotions such as unhappiness and disgust if it is difficult to solve the root causes of scarcity in a short period of time. According to self-worth theory, consumers will take countermeasures when their self-worth is threatened to mitigate or avoid the negative impact of threats on their self-worth [79]. For example, consumers will mitigate the negative emotions caused by resource scarcity through compensatory consumption, which is also a process of emotion regulation. The high intensity of sensory consumption, as a kind of compensatory consumption, can arouse people’s emotions. Arousal, defined as a state of motivation, can motivate an individual from continuous drowsiness, in which one feels soporific, to extreme energized, in which one feels alertness [80–82]. Arousal levels correlate with emotional intensity [83–85]. Previous studies have found that arousal may arise from three types of sensory stimulus attributes [86], including psychophysical attributes (such as warmth, loudness, and brightness), physiologically relevant ecological attributes (such as sex and fear), and collative attributes (such as novelty of stimuli). Present study involves the first type of arousal. Prior research shows that different intensities or levels of sensory stimuli cause varying levels of arousal. For instance, brighter colors with high saturation are more arousing than dull colors with low saturation, and certain hues of color, such as orange, are more arousing than other hues, such as blue [26]. Therefore, past scholars have often used bright background colors experimentally to induce arousal [87, 88]. In the domain of auditory research, Mehta et al. [7] find that louder sounds with higher decibel levels lead to higher arousal levels than quieter sounds with lower decibel levels. In different sensory domains, it appears that more intense stimuli, such as brighter colors and louder sounds, are related with higher levels of arousal. We expect consumers subjected to resource scarcity to have a lower sense of self-worth. To mitigate the negative impact of resource scarcity, consumers will restore self-worth through high-intensity sensory consumption. In other words, consumers experiencing resource scarcity lead to a propensity for high-intensity sensory consumption, which is mediated by self-worth.

1. H3: The impact of resource scarcity on high-intensity sensory consumption will be mediated by self-worth.

2.4 Self-acceptance

As noted above, one mechanism that has been shown to restore overall self-worth is self-acceptance [89] (MacInnes 2006). Self-acceptance refers to the unconditional acceptance of oneself, regardless of one’s abilities and performance, and whether one achieves the desired state [89, 90]. Strengthening an individual’s belief in self-acceptance is viewed as a cornerstone of mental health and psychological well-being [91]. Individuals with Self-accepting also exhibit a separation of self-worth from whether they meet ideal standards, which can enhance the individual’s tolerance for setbacks and mitigate the threat of self-discrepancy [92]. In addition, self-acceptance also has a positive effect on the subsequent behavior of individuals when faced with self-discrepancy. Individuals with low self-acceptance associate information about self-discrepancy with self-worth, and therefore engage in self-restoration actions such as compensatory consumption to mitigate discrepancy. On the contrary, individuals with high levels of self-acceptance strip this negative information from self-worth, seeing it not as a source of discrepancy or threat, and without the need for self-restoration [93].

Self-worth and self-acceptance are two related but distinct concepts in psychology that play different roles in regulating our thoughts, emotions, and behaviour [94]. Self-worth refers to our overall sense of value and worth as a person, while self-acceptance refers to our ability to acknowledge and accept all parts of ourselves, including our flaws and weaknesses [95]. Self-worth can be seen as a mediator in the sense that it can influence how we feel about ourselves and how we behave in response to different situations [77]. For example, if someone has high self-worth, they may be more confident in their abilities and less likely to experience negative emotions such as anxiety or self-doubt. Self-acceptance, on the other hand, can be seen as a moderator in the sense that it can influence the relationship between other factors and our sense of self-worth [96]. For example, if someone has a high level of self-acceptance, they may be less likely to be affected by negative feedback or criticism from others, which can help to protect their self-worth. On the contrary, if someone has low self-acceptance, they may be more vulnerable to negative feedback and criticism, which can undermine their sense of self-worth. In short, although self-worth and self-acceptance are closely related, these different processes still have independent room for operation, which highlights the importance of understanding these two concepts to influence consumer behaviour differences [96].

In this study, we introduce self-acceptance as a moderator of individuals’ response to self-discrepancy. By severing the link between one’s own assessment of attributes (eg, skills, abilities) and self-worth, self-acceptance naturally leads to an evaluation of self-discrepancy as benign to one’s delf-worth. Therefore, individuals who are high on self-acceptance are less likely to engage in compensatory consumption to restore self-discrepancy. For example, research by Kim and Gal [93] find that individuals with high self-acceptance engage in adaptive rather than compensatory consumption in response to self-deficit information. According to Smith and Petty [97], individuals with high self-acceptance have more confidence in their abilities and the achievement of their efforts regardless of resource abundance, which can buffer the impact of adverse events, while individuals with low self-acceptance lack confidence in their abilities and the achievement of their efforts when they are subjected to resource scarcity. Research shows that self-acceptance is positively correlated with self-worth [98]. Based on the stress-and-coping model, when individuals appraise negative events such as resource scarcity as stressful, they consider their self-image as being threatened [99]. Prior studies have found that certain types of consumption may have an indirect positive effect. For instance, Townsend and Sood [100] find that choosing aesthetically appealing products influences self-worth, such as a decreased tendency to commit to failed actions and increased openness to counter-attitude arguments.

These studies suggest that choosing highly aesthetic products after experiencing self-discrepancy or threats resembles a traditional self-acceptance manipulation. Based on these findings above, we expect that self-acceptance, like compensatory consumption by HISC, may have a similar self-restoration function. Therefore, we expect that the propensity for HISC will be mitigated in individuals with self-acceptance when they are subjected to resource scarcity compared to individuals with low self-acceptance.

1. H4a: Self-acceptance moderates the effect of resource scarcity on the sense of self-worth. Specifically, individuals with low self-acceptance who are subjected to resource scarcity have a lower sense of self-worth; while there was no significant difference between resource scarcity and sense of self-worth when individuals have high self-acceptance.
2. H4b: Self-acceptance moderates the impact of resource scarcity on HISC. Specifically, individuals with high self-acceptance who are subjected to resource scarcity will not exhibit a propensity for HISC compared to individuals with low self-acceptance.

Our conceptualization framework and hypotheses are summarized in Fig 1.

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Fig 1. Conceptual framework.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g001

3.1 Methodology

3.2 Results

3.3 Discussion

Study 1a showed that subjects who were subjective to resource scarcity preferred to listen to high- volume music than subjects with abundant resources. Therefore, Hypotheses 1a is supported in the auditory domain. Study 1a provides an important finding, as most studies to date on compensatory consumption in response to resource scarcity have focused on the increased need for visual elements of consumption [37, 48]. Few studies have investigated the effects of resource scarcity on other sensory domains. However, Study 1a utilized only music clips, positively valenced auditory stimuli, and did not explore negatively valenced auditory stimuli. Study 1b will utilize the negatively valenced auditory. We expect that negatively valenced auditory also lead to a preference for high-intensity volume in individuals subjected to resource scarcity (Hypothesis 2).

4.1 Methodology

4.2 Result

Dependent measures.

The main objective of Study 1b was to examine participants’ preference for sensory stimulus intensity when participants were subjected to resource scarcity and exposed to different sound valences. The four items used to measure resource scarcity were combined into one composite measure (a = .94).

To test hypothesis 2, first, we performed the same analysis of results as in Study 1a on 95 participants (male = 46) who listened to negatively valenced audio clips. Linear regression with the volume of audio clip as the dependent variable and resource scarcity as the independent variable revealed a significant main effect between the resource scarcity and the volume level (b = .985, t = 15.404, p = .00). Compared to individuals whose resources are not scarce, individuals subjected to resource scarcity chose higher intensity volumes. Second, we tested the moderating role of different valences including positively and negatively valenced sensory stimuli on the main effects of resource scarcity on sensory intensity. We performed moderation analyzes, using the PROCESS SPSS macro [104] (Mode l 1; 5,000 bootstraps; Hayes, 2013) and did not obtain a significant interaction effect (b = -.944, SE = .0925, t = -1.02, p = 0.309, 95% CI = [-.2769, .0881]. The results also showed that resource scarcity had a significant main effect on HISC (b = .8660, SE = .0692, t = 12.5155, p = .00, 95% CI = [.7295, 1.0025]), but the audio type (positively valenced vs. negatively valenced) did not replicate this effect (b = .7046, SE = .4251, t = 1.6574, p = .0991, 95% CI = [-.1341, 1.5433]) (see Fig 2). These moderating effects corroborate Hypothesis 2 and suggest that individuals subjected to resource scarcity simply prefer the intensity of sensory stimuli independent of valence.

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Fig 2. Moderating effect of valence (negative vs. positive) on the resource scarcity and HISC.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g002

4.3 Discussion

Study 1b showed that participants subjected to resources scarcity exhibit a propensity for a higher volume of negatively valenced audio clips than those without resources scarcity. HISC compensates for the self-discrepancy of individuals subjected to resource scarcity, and interestingly, we find that negatively valenced HISC can also restore this self-discrepancy. Thus, only intensity, not valence, influenced resource-scarce individuals’ preferences for high-intensity sensory consumption. Therefore, hypotheses 1a and 1b are supported in different valence domains. Although the results of study 1a and study 1b document the role that HISC plays in resource-scarce individuals seeking compensatory consumption, one might wonder about the role mediating variables play.

5.1 Methodology

Pretest.

In prior research, the intensity of a color was defined by its saturation level (or chromacity), which is a reflection of the amount of pigmentation that a color contains [106, 107]. High-chroma colors are intense, vivid, and strong, whereas low-chroma are weak and light. Research also find that adjusting the saturation and brightness of a color affects the level of arousal [26]. The pretest design consisted of two different intensities of orange color and 50 participants (23 male) to identify high-intensity and low-intensity sense stimuli for Study 2. Orange with a saturation level of 255 was selected as a high intensity sensory stimulant, and orange with a saturation level of 240 was selected as low intensity sensory stimuli (Fig 3), both with a hue of 28 (1 = does not describe this color at all, 7 = perfectly describes this color: bright, vibrant, bold and vivid, M_{high intensity} = 5.97, SD = .66 vs. M_{low intensity} = 2.72, SD = 1.18; t (48) = -12.03, p < .00). The color swatches of high- and low- intensity visual stimuli in our experiment were modulated by chemical engineers using professional instrument of colorimeters (the instrument see Appendix C in S3 Appendix of S1 File).

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Fig 3. Orange color swatches of high- and low- intensity visual stimuli.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g003

Participants and design.

We recruited 182 voluntary participants from an online research service platform (www.credamo.com) called Credamo who were paid RMB 1.5 (USD 25 cents) for the online experiment. The final valid sample comprised 160 participants (82 female i.e., 51.3%, average age 31.34, ranging from 18 to 62 with SD = 9.648) who were randomly assigned to the conditions of resource scarcity and control condition, after excluding those incomplete responses. 80 (39 females, 48.75%) participated in resource scarcity conditions and 80 (43 females, that is, 53.75%) in control conditions. Among the 160 participants, 25 (15.63%) had master’s degree, 99 (61.88%) had bachelor’s degree and 36 (22.50%) had junior college degree or below. Participants first finished an episodic recall task, which is adapted from Fischhoff B. et al. [108]. Specifically, in the resource scarcity condition, participants were required to describe three to five episodes when they felt they “did not have enough of something” or “resources were scarce,” such as having money or resources that could not meet their needs. They were next required to choose two of the episodes they just mentioned and state each of them in detail in no fewer than 50 words, explaining what was missing and what they went through. In the control condition, participants were first required to think about and write down three to five things they had done in the past week, then focus on and describe in detail two of these memorable events. To test whether episodic recall task activated perceptions of resource scarcity, participants were exposed to manipulation checks and then required to indicate the extent to which they agreed with the following items: “I don’t have enough resources,” “My resources are scarce,” “I need to protect the resources I have,” and “I need to acquire more resources” (scale: 1 = Strongly disagree to 7 = Strongly agree).

After completing the episodic recall task, the participants were asked to answer a series of questions aimed at measuring their self-worth. They reported their answers to the following statements (1 = completely disagree, 7 = completely agree): “I feel that I am on an equal plane with others,” “I feel respect for myself,” “I am a person of worth” and “I feel a sense of prestige,” [109–111]. The participants also provided demographic information such as gender, age, and education.

Finally, participants were informed that the final study was a product decoration investigation that involved evaluating different shades of color for a product package. A virtual color sample of orange was presented to the participants without providing any other information, such as color name and brand of product. We only told the participants that the manufacturer was considering launching this color of packaging for their new products. The orange hue was chosen because prior research has shown that different hues vary in intensity and excitement properties. Hues such as blue have relaxing properties, while those such as orange have arousal and excitement properties [106, 107, 112, 113]. First, participants were asked to report their attitudes toward the color on a three-item scale (1 = completely disagree, 7 = completely agree): “This is a nice color,” “I like this color,” and “This is a good color.” Then, a measure of dependent variable for HISC preference was collected. The experimental assistant showed the participants a set of seven shades of orange, with the last shade being the most intense shade (most saturated), and then the participants were asked to choose which shade they like the most. We manipulate this aspect of color based on prior research, such as 20% lower saturation in order for the six less intense hues on the scale (Fig 4). The intensity of a color is determined by its chroma, and colors of low chroma are weak and dull, while high-chroma colors are intense and strong [106, 107]. As in the pretest, participants were randomly asked to respond to an attribute numbered 1 or 7 representing different intensities of color. Participants were unaware that this measure was actually the study’s true dependent measure.

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Fig 4. Spectrum of low-high intensity color.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g004

During manipulation check of intensity of the stimulus, participants were invited to rate the color according to several attributes to measure its intensity and brightness (1 = did not describe the color at all, 7 = described the color perfectly): bright, vibrant, vivid, and bold. To eliminate individual factors as explanations for the findings, we also collected the inherent preference of participants for bright colors (1 = totally disagree, 7 = completely agree: “I prefer bright colors”). Finally, to rule out the effect of individuals with severe visual impairment, we required participants to state whether they had any of the following visual impairments: astigmatism/myopia/uncorrected hyperopia/cataract/ color blindness.

5.2 Results

Dependent measures.

To further test the theory proposed by our (hypothesis 3), we tested the meditational role of self-worth in explaining the relationship between resource scarcity and HISC. Using the PROCESS SPSS macro [104] (Model 4; 5,000 bootstraps; Hayes, 2013) method, we conducted mediation analyzes. We entered resource scarcity as the independent variable, self-worth as the mediator variable, and sensory intensity as the dependent variable. Gender, age, and preference for orange were entered as covariates, and none of the covariates were significant and thus was dropped from the analyses. A closer look at the bootstrap results supporting our theorized process (H3), the mediation of self-worth was found to be significant because of the indirect effect (b = -1.32, 95% CI [–1.90, -.76]). Furthermore, the direct effect was also significant (b = -1.51, 95% CI: [-2.10, -.91]), suggesting that the impact of resource scarcity on HISC was partly mediated by the sense of self-worth (Fig 5). These results support our hypothesis 3 and suggest that individuals subjected to resource scarcity increase HISC preferences through the mediation of self-worth for self-restoration.

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Fig 5. The mediating effect of sense of the self-worth.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g005

5.3 Discussion

Study 2 shows that individuals who were subjected to resource scarcity have lower self-worth and therefore prefer HISC relative to those who do not suffer from resource scarcity. Study 2 not only supports Hypothesis 1 again in the visual domain, but also shows that the preference for HISC in individuals subjected to resource scarcity is mediated by self-worth, thus supporting Hypothesis 3. Hypotheses 1 and 2 were supported in a different sensory domain. Studies 1 and 2 show that compensatory consumption in response to resource scarcity by individuals occurs WITH a heightened demand for auditory and visual elements of consumption. Very few studies have examined the impact of resource scarcity on demand in the tactile sensory domain. Since the preference for HISC by individuals subjected to resource scarcity is mediated by self-worth, one may wonder whether participants subjected to resource scarcity and provided with additional self-worth would still prefer HISC. Study 3 aimed to expand the findings of Study 2 by checking whether this propensity for HISC is also evident in individuals with self-acceptance as well as in the tactile sensory domains.

6.1 Methodology

6.2 Results

Moderated mediation.

To test our proposed hypothesis 3, we examined the moderating role of self-acceptance in explaining the relationship between resource scarcity and HISC. Using the PROCESS SPSS macro (Model 8; 5,000 Bootstrap; Hayes, 2013) approach, we performed moderator variable analyzes. We used resource scarcity as an independent variable, self-acceptance as a moderator variable, self-worth as a mediator variable, and perceived intensity as a dependent variable. The results, as shown in Table 1, revealed that the interaction between resource scarcity and self-acceptance had a significant impact on sense of self-worth (B = -2.91, t ₍₂₃₈₎ = -15.81, p < .01, 95% CI: [-3.2754, -2.5496]) and HISC (B = 2.13, t ₍₂₃₈₎ =—9.70, p < .01, 95% CI: [1.70, 2.57]). This indicates that self-acceptance can not only moderate the effect of resource scarcity on HISC, but also moderate the effect of resource scarcity on the sense of self-worth. Specifically, moderated mediation revealed a significant mediation effect of self-worth for low self-acceptance participants (b =—.68, SE = .16, 95% CI = [-1.02, -.38]), but not for high self-acceptance participants (b = .01, SE = .03, 95% CI = [-.04, .06]). This indicates that the self-worth only mediates the effect for the low self-acceptance participants.

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Table 1. Moderation test.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.t001

Further simple slope analysis on self-worth shows that, as depicted in Fig 6, when the level of self-acceptance is low, the resources of individuals (scarcity vs. abundance) have a significant positive impact on self-worth (simple slope = 2.89, se = .13, t = 22.14, p <0. 01, CI: [2.64, 3.15]; while when self-acceptance is high, individuals’ resources (scarcity vs. abundance) have no significant effect on sense of self-worth (simple slope = -.016, se = .13, t = -.12, p = 0.90, CI: [-.27, .24]). It can be seen from Fig 6 that under the condition of low self-acceptance, the more scarce resources an individual has, the lower his sense of self-worth is, while this effect disappeared under conditions of high self-acceptance. The results show that the level of self-acceptance moderates the effect of resource scarcity on sense of self-worth, and H4a is supported. It can be seen from Fig 7, when the level of self-acceptance is low, the resources of individuals (scarcity vs. abundance) have a significant negative impact on HISC (simple slope = -1.60, se = .19, t = -8.28, p<0. 01, CI: [-1.98, -1.22]; while when self-acceptance is high, individuals’ resources (scarcity vs. abundance) have a significant positive impact on HISC (simple slope = .50, se = .11, t = 4.56, p<0.01, CI: [.28, .71]). Fig 7 also shows that individuals subjected to resource scarcity do not show a preference for HISC in the case of high self-acceptance compared to the case of low self-acceptance. The results suggest that the level of self-acceptance moderates the effect of resource scarcity on HISC, and H4b is supported.

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Fig 6. Moderating effect of self-acceptance on the resource scarcity and self-worth.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g006

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Fig 7. Moderating effect of self-acceptance on the resource scarcity and HISC.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0285853.g007

6.3 Discussion

Participants subjected to resource scarcity and who were low self-acceptance rated intensity of touch needs significantly higher than those also subjected to resource scarcity and who were high self-acceptance. On the contrary, the evaluations of the intensity of the touch needs did not differ significantly among the participants who were abundance in resource, regardless of whether self-acceptance was high or low. When allowed to freely choose a preferred intensity of touch needs from a continuum of less to more intense needs, we again find that only the participants subjected to resource scarcity, low self-acceptance condition selected a significantly more intense touch needs, without significant difference in the choices of the other three conditions. Therefore, Hypothesis 3 is supported.

Study 3 showed a propensity of individuals who were subjected to resource scarcity to consume more intense touch sensory stimuli in situations of low self-acceptance. However, those individuals with high self-acceptance and subjected to resource scarcity did not exhibit the same propensity for HISC. Therefore, Study 3 not only validated the moderating effect of self-acceptance, but also extended the findings of Study 1 and Study 2 from the haptic domain.

7.1 Theoretical contribution

Across four studies, we find that individuals who are subjected to resource scarcity show a preference for high-intensity sensory consumption in the auditory, visual, and tactile domains, as demonstrated through a higher propensity for louder volume levels of music, more intense (saturated) colors, and more intense need for touch. We also find that both negatively and positively valenced sensory stimuli have the same impact on resource-scarce individuals’ preference for HISC. That is to say, only intensity, not valence, impacts resource-scarce individuals’ preferences for high-intensity sensory consumption. Furthermore, we demonstrate that the sense of self-worth significantly mediates the effect of resource scarcity on HISC. Finally, we reveal a boundary condition for the effect and find that the preferences for HISC is lower following resource-scarce individuals who engage in a self-acceptance.

This study contributes to the extant literature in the following three important ways. First, we contribute to a literature on sensory consumption by demonstrating the novel application of three basic sensory consumptions, without symbolic cues such as social status or brand, in resource-scarce conditions. Second, we add to the literature on resource scarcity and compensatory consumption in several ways. We suggest not only that HISC can be used as a form of reactive consumption after resource scarcity, but also identify the mediating mechanism of self-worth. Previous research has discussed the concept of reactive consumption as a means for escaping from self-awareness and as being distractive [20, 121, 122], while being agnostic about the process by which self-restoration due to resource scarcity may occur. Although there is literature that examines the effect of resource scarcity on counter hedonic consumption or consumer preference for options [31, 48], there are few studies on the effect of resource scarcity on HISC. We identify a causal pathway for the effect of a new form of reactive consumption on resource scarcity by showing that resource scarcity reduces individuals’ sense of self-worth and thus prefers HISC. In this sense, we provide an understanding of when and how distractive consumption may lead to self-restoration under resource-scarce conditions. Third, although the role of HISC in mood management and healthy strategies has been examined in prior literature [22, 123, 124], it has not been specifically studied in the context of resource scarcity management. An important understanding of HISC as compensatory consumption may be extended to other forms of reactive compensatory consumption studied in the literature. We demonstrate that at least some types of HISC (eg, auditory, visual, and tactile) can have a compensatory effect on the reduction in self-worth following resource scarcity. We also find the self-acceptance boundary condition for this effect.

7.2 Substantive implications

Our research will have some important implications at the consumer level. Given that individuals subjected to resource scarcity have choices in different sensory domains for HISC preferences, consumers can engage in some HISC that are beneficial to them and avoid some HISC that are harmful to them. Although prior literature suggests that indulging in high-intensity sensor consumption in the gustatory domain can be distracting, it may also have detrimental effects on one’s health. Our findings suggest that the consumer can achieve a similar compensatory effect by engaging in the HISC stimuli in any other sensory domain. Such HISC may include indulging in shopping products with saturated (intensive) colors, listening to loud music, or enjoying a deep-tissue massage. These forms of HISC can help restore a person’s self-discrepancy due to resource scarcity without the detrimental effects of eating high-sugar foods.

Marketers and retailers might also benefit from our findings. It is well known that self-acceptance is an effective way for self-restoration, which is borne out by both the present study and prior research. Marketers can tailor and target their marketing policy of HISC toward consumer segments that may be more receptive or unreceptive to information based on the level of consumer self-acceptance. For example, certain populations (e.g., women, elderly) might be more self-accepting than others, and thus less likely to prefer HISC when subjected to resource scarcity. However, some populations with low self-acceptance are more open to HISC and marketers can pitch related products.

Given that extant research has demonstrated that consumers have higher willingness to pay for products after being touched [125]. Our research suggests that many sensory outcomes previously thought to be intrinsic dispositions [126], such as the need for touch, might also be impacted by contextual influences. This contextual influence may be under the control of marketers, providing an avenue for retailers or marketers to influence consumers, for example, by subtly manipulating the level of “need for touch” in the stores. If consumers suffer from resource scarcity, they may be more proactive in touching or purchasing products due to the presence of products with an increased need for touch stimulus in store displays and advertisements.

In addition, consumers’ preferences for HISC are high in resource-scarce circumstances such as the financial impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Our research also suggests that firms can increase sensory intensity in product design to meet consumer preferences, for example, by letting consumers choose the color intensity of a product when ordering online. This can also alleviate the negative impact of the epidemic to some extent.

7.3 Limitations and future research

Although we tested our hypothesis only in the auditory, visual and touch domains, we speculate HISC to have the same self-restorative effects in the taste and smell domains. Future research could examine whether individuals subjected to resource scarcity will have a higher preference for stronger perfumes or spicier foods. Di Muro and Murray [127] find that higher-tempo music and stronger scented perfumes result in higher arousal than slower-tempo music or milder-scented perfumes. In the future, researchers can also conduct different manipulations of the dependent variable measures for the sensory effects documented by ours. For example, although a propensity for louder music demonstrates that consumers who are subject to resource scarcity prefer high-intensity auditory consumption, another measure can be to observe whether such individuals also prefer music that is “richer or higher-tempo,” as compared to those who do not suffer from resource scarcity. Finally, future studies of HISC preferences could investigate this phenomenon under more naturalistic conditions. Compared with the eastern part of China, the western part of China is economically underdeveloped and resources are relatively scarce. Minority groups in the West prefer to use brighter colors and shinier materials in traditional clothing and accessories. A major source of self-worth is an individual’s socioeconomic status. Could it be that the long-term reduction in sense of self-worth due to low status impacts the level of sensory intensity sought by these consumers, driving a preference for visually more conspicuous products? This future study may contribute to a better understanding of the consumption dynamics of ethnic minorities and ethnic classes that are disadvantaged relative to the general population.