Sub-theme 1.1: Perceived religious benefits.

Participants universally highlighted various religious benefits of having more children. One participant, who was the Khatib, provided a detailed description of how, in general, people of their community perceive a child as a "divine wealth" that comes from Allah. In his word:

"Let me tell you something. Allah gives people wealth; it is of two types. He gives some people enormous wealth whom we call ’rich people’. The other kind of wealth, the most precious one, is Children. Many rich people have much wealth, huge in amount, but they don’t have any children, at best one or two…. They might have enormous riches, but the door of this blessing- the Children, is closed for them. But we have that wealth in plenty, Alhamdulillah."

(CL 03- Khatib)

The Muslim Rohingya parents mostly perceived a boy or girl child as the "blessing/gift of Allah". They believed that having more children implied being a more blissful parent. Parents also believed that having more children was both ways beneficial from a religious point of view. Because on the one hand, they were increasing the number of members of the Muslim Ummah (followers of the Islam religion), which was a good deed in itself. On the other hand, parents are rewarded by Allah for every good deed their children do in this world. For these reasons, parents mostly aspired to give their children proper Ilm (Islamic education) in their lifetime. Moreover, the children are largely perceived as "means of refrainment from punishment in the grave and life hereafter" for their parents. In the words of participants:

"In our religion of Islam, children are the blessings of Allah. The more children you have, the more blissful you are. You’re increasing the number of Muslims, isn’t it a good deed too?"

(M 03, 40 years, no education, Father of 07 Child)

"They (children) will be the means for parents to have refrained from the punishment in the grave. If I have one Hafez son, it will be a great advantage for me in Akhirat (Life Here-after)."

(W 02, 40 years, Mother of 04 children).

Sub-theme 1.2: Political benefits, necessity, and will.

The high fertility behavior among the Rohingya was not in practice solely due to perceived religious benefits. It was also necessary for the Rohingya ethnic minority from a political dimension. The identity crises, fear of persecution, and continued domination for being an ethnic minority in their place of origin (Myanmar) led to strengthening their preference for high fertility, intending to increase their "own people" or "to increase Muslim soldiers". Most of the study participants narrated their responses with the notion that having a higher number of children was a political advantage and a necessity for them to sustain the very existence of the "Rohingya" identity.

"In Burma, we were small in number in comparison with the Monks. They used to torture us in every way possible. So, we needed to increase our people."

(M 05, 50 years, Father of 08 children)

"If we take more children, people of our religion will increase. Our community will expand."

(W 01, 35 years, Mother of 09 children)

"As we are an ethnic minority, the intention to increase our population is always there amongst us. Because nobody cares about the torture and persecution done to a small population, but if we are more in number, the world will question, ’Why do you torture them? Give them their rights’."

(CL 02-Imam)

Above all, an Imam described a striking political will that might remain blended in the prevalent high fertility behavior and in notions of "increasing own people/Muslim soldiers" or "expanding the community". He believed that if they continued to take more children, then one day, those children would fight against the oppressors and take control of their ancestor’s place in Myanmar. He also said that this was the main intention of the Rohingya people, and they did not want to stay in Bangladesh forever. In his word:

"Listen, brother, Arakan (Rakhine) is our country. We will not be here (in Bangladesh) forever. We want to go back to our country. If we have more men, we will take control of our land one day. If the world’s countries don’t help us get back to our country, our children will fight and take control of our land. That’s why we, the Rohingya, take as many children as possible. This is our number one goal."

(CL 01- Imam)

However, when parents mentioned this political dimension rationalizing their high fertility behavior, a common occurrence was the preference for sons. In addition, sons were perceived as physically strong and advantageous in feuds and disputes.

Sub-theme 1.3: Economic benefits.

Rohingya parents associated various economic benefits with high fertility. Some participants perceived having more children, especially sons, was more advantageous regarding their economic contributions to the family. The notion largely echoed in the responses of those participants who were not economically solvent in Myanmar (Table 1).

"There are some economic benefits too for parents. If the sons don’t pursue education, they mostly work with their fathers. It brings more income to the family."

(M 02, 35 years, Father of 06 children)

Dowry was a widespread norm during marriages in the Rohingya community. It was also a strategy of capital accumulation by the bridegroom’s family. One participant sarcastically narrated that sons are advantageous because they earn money even through their marriages.

"Of course, having more children is advantageous for parents. If somebody has more sons, they’ll work and earn more money. They can take good care of their parents. And when they marry, they bring money too (through dowry). Ha ha ha!."

(M 03, No education, Father of 07 children)

Sub-theme 1.4: Social considerations.

We identified some social considerations that led to the preference of high fertility among the participants. For example, Rohingya mothers preferred more children to secure their old age and mostly perceived their sons as their protectors. Moreover, the experience of persecution and killing of Rohingya men in Myanmar further acted as an effect multiplier to perpetuate the high childbirth norm.

"In Burma, they [military autocrats] used to kill men. Therefore, if a woman has lost her husband, her children are her last hope. Moreover, normally as a mother, I expect my sons to take good care of me during my old age."

(W 04, 43 years, Mother of 06 children)

Sub-theme 1.5: Psychological satisfaction.

Some mothers also highlighted the psychological dimension of happiness from having more children. They mostly related the perceived religious benefits with the mental satisfaction derived from the children. In the words of one mother:

"If I have 10 children, when they call me ’Ma’ (Mother), all together, isn’t it happiness for me? All of them will perform Salat (prayer). That’s also beneficial because I’ll get the rewards too."

(W 05, 30 years, Mother of 05 children)

These pronatalist attitudes are further sustained and facilitated by some high-fertility-supportive social norms and practices widely prevalent in the Rohingya community.

Sub-theme 2.1: Perceived gender roles.

The responses to the question "what is the job of a man and a woman in your community?" depicts a classic example of highly gender-biased established norms prevailing in the Rohingya community. All the participants narrated that men would work outside and earn a livelihood while women would stay inside the houses and perform the role of caregiver to the family members. However, most of the participants- both men and women- also believed that their religion, Islam prescribes this pattern of gender roles too. The religious leaders also promoted this gendered division of labor.

"In our community, women stay inside the house and do all the household work, recite Qur’an and care for the children. They don’t come out of their houses. Men do the work outside and earn livelihoods for the family. This is also the way prescribed in our religion."

(W 05, 30 years, Mother of 05 children)

They (women) will stay inside the house, cook meals, do household chores, and take care of the children

(CL 01- Imam).

The practice of these biased gender roles seemed so deep-constructed inside the community that women themselves had taken it for granted and became its active promoters. Some mothers strongly believed that giving birth and taking care of the children and other family members were the works of women. They were also reluctant to educate their daughters because, in the end, women were to "come back to the kitchen and do what they are meant to do". Apart from the beliefs of men about biased gender roles, women also believed that staying inside the house is better for them because, in that way, their perceived role and Ibadat (religious activities) would not be interrupted.

Interviewer: But giving more births means more bleeding, more pain, and increased chances of experiencing other life-threatening complications. Still, why would you want to give birth to more children?

Participant 1: "The losses are mine. We all have to die one day, isn’t it? So, I accept this, and it is not a problem." (W 01, 35 years, Mother of 09 children)

Interviewer: Can’t you make your daughters educated too?

Participant 2: "What would women do being educated? End of the day, they’ll have to come back to the kitchen, no?" (W 02, 40 years, Mother of 04 children)

"If we stay inside the house, it is better for us… women who work outside can’t perform salat in time. So how is this good for them? That’s why our religion prohibits women to work outside."

(W 05, 30 years, Mother of 05 children)

Sub-theme 2.2: Purdah and subordinate nature of women.

While the practice of the society was highly gender-biased, the perceived regulation of Purdah and overall patriarchal dominance sustained the subordinate nature of women in the Rohingya community. Moreover, Purdah’s regulation is rooted in religious directives of Islam, and our study population, the Muslim-majority Rohingya, perceived it as a mandatory obligation to follow Islamic Shariah. For this reason, to understand the prescription of Islam in matters related to Purdah, we sought the knowledge and opinion of the religious teacher of the community- an Imam, in this regard. In his words:

"All living things are created in pairs. Allah has created everything in this fashion. If your women come outside, and a man sees her and praises her seeing her beauty, or your woman does that seeing an unknown man, this is a sin. Allah says in the holy Qur’an—"Wa-karna fee buyutikunna wa-la tararajna tabarrujal ja-hiliyatil ula [And stay in your houses, and do not display yourselves like that of the times of ignorance (The Qur’an 33:33)]. Before the revelation of ayat related to Purdah, men and women all used to go to Jihad (war) together. There was no issue about Purdah then. However, right after the revelation of this ayat of Purdah, Prophet (Sm) mandated all to keep women with Purdah who are mature. That’s why it is better for women if they don’t come out of their home"

(CL 05-Imam)

The religious prescription suggests women not to display themselves. However, this ’not displaying’ does not necessarily imply that women should be confined within the four walls of their houses. Men in the Rohingya community, as evidenced in the statements of men participants and community leaders, had taken the duty ’on their hand’ to fulfill the obligation of Purdah for women. For example, an Imam described the strict practice of the Purdah system while they were in the Rohingya community in Myanmar.

"In Myanmar, no women could come outside of their house. If you came out on the road there, you would never see any women. If any woman were found, she would have a miserable day in her home. But coming to Bangladesh, you’ll see women everywhere".

(CL 01- Imam)

However, the patriarchal dominance was not only found in keeping women inside the house, but it was also more prominent in restricting the voice of women and their decision-making. For example, though three women participants were spontaneously willing to take more children in the future, the other two had no choice or freedom in this regard.

Interviewer: So, why don’t you tell your husband that you don’t want anymore (child)? That your health is being compromised?

Participant: "My husband says, ’you might not need more children, but I need more’." (W 03, 35 years, Mother of 12 children)

Interviewer: If we provide contraceptives of your choice, will you use them?

Participant: "No. I can’t use them. My husband has forbidden me to use contraceptives. I don’t want to use them too." (W 01, 35 years, Mother of 09 children).

Sub-theme 2.3: Support from the joint family members.

Another universal finding of the study was that all participants acknowledged that pregnancy is valued in the Rohingya community. The wives used to get assistance and support from their family members and relatives during their pregnancies while in Myanmar. The practice was feasible because people used to live with their relatives in Myanmar "forming a clan", which had a political advantage in times of conflict with military extremists. The support from joint family members certainly acted as a catalyst for having more children. After migrating to Bangladesh, when that norm got disrupted due to the segregated settlement in various camps, it became a matter of concern for the parents. Participants, who had started to use contraceptives coming to Bangladesh, highlighted this issue with special attention.

"We had a large family. With all of our relatives, we lived together in Burma. They used to help a lot. While I was pregnant, they didn’t let me do heavy work. They cooked meals for me and used to take good care of me. Now we have got separated. They live in different camps."

(W 04, 43 years, Mother of 06 children, Depo-Provera User)

Sub-theme 2.4: High TFR-supportive social practices.

Some prevalent social practices like child marriage and polygamy perpetuated the high fertility behavior, which also presented a clear scenario of lower-status women in the Rohingya community. Some women participants said polygamy was related to men’s desire to have more children, especially sons.

"Polygamy is widely prevalent here. It is a tendency of men. If any wife can’t give birth to a child, they marry another. Again, when the wife gives birth to many children, they still marry another. It continues like this. It is permitted in our religion too. Our prophet (Sm) had 11 wives and has permitted us to have 4 wives."

(W 04, 43 years, Mother of 06 children; her father-in-law had 4 wives and 18 children in total)

Sub-theme 3.1: Religious restriction and fear of punishment.

In general, the Rohingya people perceived ’contraception’ as something against the religious directives of Islam. Most study participants said contraception was not permitted in their religion, and therefore, it was an act of "grave sin".

"If I use contraceptives and stop the childbirth, the blessings of Allah will be stopped for me. Allah will curse me. That’s why I won’t use contraceptives."

(M 04, 42 years, Father of 09 children)

"It is said in the Qur’an and Hadith that if parents use Depo (Depo-Provera to mean contraceptives) not to have children, those children will be born in the field of Qiyamah. Then they will become snakes and run after those parents."

(W 02, 40 years, Mother of 04 children)

The religious leaders also stated their position against the use of contraceptives. They narrated that contraception is not permissible according to the regulations directed in Holy Qur’an and the Hadith. Therefore, those using contraceptives would receive severe punishment on Judgment Day from Allah. Most importantly, one Imam and one Khatib mentioned that the use of contraceptives ’to limit childbirth’ as "equivalent to killing" those potential children.

"If someone uses contraceptives to limit the number of children, on the day of judgment, he/she will be caught red-handed and thrown to Jahannam (hell)."

(CL 01- Imam)

Interviewer: Huzur, after having three children, if I use contraceptives not to have any more children, how is this equivalent to killing? To kill somebody, s/he must have to be alive in the first place, isn’t it?

Khatib: "By using contraceptives, you’re closing the path for a baby to be born. You’re restricting the births. It is equivalent to killing those potential children. Allah says in the holy Qur’an—"Wa-e-zal maudatu-suilat. Bi-aiyi zambin qutilat [And when the girls (infant) buried alive [as the pagan Arabs used to do] shall be questioned. For what sin she was killed? (The Qur’an 81: 8,9)]" (CL 03-Khatib)

However, the Imams and one Khatib also mentioned that there is "some room for using contraceptives" in Islamic Shariah. To adequately space two consecutive childbirths, and to give ease to the mothers, the use of contraceptives is permissible in Islam. This notion is particularly important because most of the current contraceptive users among the participants were not using contraceptives ’to put a stop’ to childbearing, but rather ’to put a pause’. In the words of a father:

"Already we’ve 6 children. One daughter died and the rest 5 children are not grown up enough. If we have more babies now, it will be more problematic. It will also be very tough for my wife to maintain the kids. So, considering all these, we decided to use contraceptives (Implant) for now. Once the children are grown up, if we take one or two more by the grace of Allah, it won’t be any problem."

(M 02, 35 years, Father of 06 children)

Sub-theme 3.2: Fear of side effects.

For some participants fear of the side effects for using contraceptives was the key barrier that was preventing them from uptaking, along with the perceived religious restriction.

"I used Depo (Depo-Provera) in Burma thrice. But every time I used the Depo, I used to get sick. I experienced many problems like pain in my abdomen, severe bleeding, headache, physical weakness etc. Then I sought medical treatment and decided not to use it any further."

(W 01, 35 years, Mother of 09 children)

"Taking pills causes serious headaches, and depo (Depo-Provera) causes heavy blood loss. These are also prohibited to use. Allah gives sin to those who use contraceptives. I won’t use contraceptives ever."

(W 05, 30 years, Mother of 05 children)

Sub-theme 3.3: Community pressure against contraception.

Apart from the perceived religious restriction and fear of side effects, another striking finding related to the low contraceptive use rate may be attributable to the community pressure against contraception, grounded on the political will "to expand the Rohingya community" or "to increase Muslim soldiers". The conversation with an Imam inside a Mosque, in the presence of 12–15 other Rohingya men, clearly indicated the notion of community pressure against the use of contraceptive methods:

Interviewer: Is there anybody in this gathering who uses any contraceptive method? Be it a pill, Depo-Provera, or Implant. Anybody?

Mass reply: "No no".

Participant 1: "We don’t use them".

Participant 2: "Nobody amongst us uses contraceptives. If we hear someone use it, we tell him not to use it. Why? Because our Rasul (Sm) has prohibited it. He said, ’You marry amongst those women who are fertile’”.