2.1.1. Βούζα. Βούζα (vúza), βαλτόβουζα (valtóvuza), μπακόβουζα (bakóvuza), μπούζα (búza).

South-eastern Central Greece, northern and northeastern Peloponnese. Vúzë (in Arvanitika), northeastern Peloponnese.

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.2.).

Discussion. The term βούζα (vúza) stems from the erroneous beliefs that consider the toad to be a sucking parasite of the mammary glands of lambs, goats, and cattle (Results 2: subchapter 1). It is etymologically derived from the Hellenistic term βυζίον (vuzíon = tit, teat, breast), which evolved into the medieval βυζί(ν) (vuzín/vizín) [97, 98]. Folk beliefs that accuse reptiles or birds of being breast suckers [e.g. βυζάστρα (vyzástra = “titter”) for lizards in Cyprus, γιδοβύζι (gidovýzi = goat-tit) for nightjars, Caprimulgidae] can be found throughout the modern Hellenic world [32, 99], and evidently date to the Middle Ages at least, when Greek-speech was geographically unbroken (Fig 6).

The fact that vúza, unlike the conceptually similar βυζάστρα, is not pronounced as výza indicates that the term resisted iotacism (i.e. the vowel shift where several vowels and diphthongs converged towards the pronunciation /i/) [100]. The phenomenon of iotacism began in Hellenistic times and is thought to have been completed in most of Greece by the 10^th–11^th centuries AD [100]. However, several archaic idioms resisted this phenomenon, namely, those spoken in Old Athens, Aegina, Megara, Kymi. Boeotia, Locris, Mani and Tsakonia, which retained the pronunciation of -υ as /u/ instead of /i/ until recently [73, 100]. The distribution of these archaic idioms reflect the presence of a former linguistic continuum, which coincides with the areas that remained under Roman control during the Slavic migrations into the southern Balkans in the 6^th–8^th centuries AD [48, 49, 78] (Fig 7), and are characterised by the smallest number of Slavic toponyms in mainland Greece (with the exception of Exo Mani) [14, 101]. A considerable amount of evidence suggests that this continuum was the result of a Constantinopolitan koine that formed around the 6^th century AD and became the dominant spoken language of the Eastern Roman Empire [96, 102–104]. The area covered by this linguistic continuum was later broken down and confined by the successive settlements of the Slavs, the Vlachs, and the Arvanites, but probably also by the creation of novel, simpler forms of spoken Greek, through language contact and assimilation of non-Greek-speaking populations (our hypothesis, described in more detail in Results 1: subchapter 3).

The distribution of the term βούζα in Boeotia, South Evrytania, Corinthia, and Achaia (Patras was an enclave of Greek-speech throughout the early Middle Ages [78, 101]) (Figs 2 and 7) also largely reflects the boundaries of this former linguistic continuum (Fig 7), as well as the areas where southern Greek varieties are spoken today or in the recent past [73]. Indeed, the disjunct range of this zoonym does not seem to be limited by geography or altitude, as it is found from mountains to sea level across a discontinuous landscape (Figs 2 and 10). This further affirms our suggestion that the factors that affected the range of βούζα were political (i.e. the Eastern Roman Empire) and not geographical, and emphasises the utility of toad zoonyms (and substrate terms in general) in identifying areas of linguistic and historical importance. Based on the information presented here, the most parsimonious explanation is that βούζα was the commonest toad zoonym in 6^th-century AD southern Greece, before its distribution was broken up or completely replaced by Slavic and Vlach terms respectively (Figs 7 and 9). Whether βούζα represents a local development of early medieval Greece or an influence directly from the Constantinopolitan koine proposed by [96] is difficult to ascertain.

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Fig 10.

A) Altitude varies significantly relative to local zoonym usage in mainland Greece (Kruskal-Wallis test; χ2 = 22.886 at 4 degrees of freedom; p = 0.00013). Summary bars and error bars represent the mean ± standard error of the mean. B) Visualisation of the relationship between altitude and zoonym used in different parts of Greece. For both graphs, datapoints from Thessaly and Thrace were not used, as the terms μπράσκα (brásca) and ζάμπα (žaba), respectively, are entirely dominant in these regions. Datapoints from the Arvanite zoonyms of Epirus, Macedonia, and the Peloponnese, were also excluded, as they comprise a minor percentage of the total toad zoonyms used in those regions.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283136.g010

It is also interesting to note that the Arvanites of Boeotia and Peloponnese largely use the term βούζα (or the Albanised form vúzë, turned into a semivowel), undoubtedly as a loan from the Greek-language substrate, as has happened for many other terms [50].

The presence of the zoonym βούζα in Samos and Pylaia of Thessaloniki is certainly the result of colonisation and internal migration respectively, over the last centuries. Indeed, our informants from Pylaia, whose families have been native to their town for at least four generations, do not exclude the possibility that their grandparents heard the term βούζα from Peloponnesian immigrants who settled there in the early 20^th century. The cases of Samos and Thessaloniki provide further evidence for the importance of toad zoonyms as indicators of ethnological, linguistic, historical, and demographic phenomena.

2.1.2. Μπζάκα (bžáka) and derivatives.

Μπζάκα (bžáka), Μπζιάκα (bziáka), Μπσιάκα (bsiáka), Μσιάκα (msiáka), Μπζάκλα (bžákla). Western Greece (Aetolia, Acarnania, part of Evrytania, part of Phokida). Μσάκα (mšáka), Μισάκας (misákas), Μουσάκα (musáka), Μπουσάκα (busáka), Μπουζάκα (buzáka). Ionian Islands: Cephalonia, Lefkada, Zakynthos. Μπουσάκλα (busákla), Βουσάκλα (vusákla). Lowlands of north-western Peloponnese (Ilia).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.3.).

Discussion. The term μπζάκα (bžáka), which abides to northern Greek vocalism and phonetic rules [105–108], is perhaps the most unusual toad zoonym from a phonetic perspective. Younger speakers in the regions where it is found often struggle to achieve the palatalised /ž/, compared to older speakers, who pronounce it effortlessly. It is proposed here that the etymology of μπζάκα derives from the term βούζα, through the following development:

βούζα (vúza or búza) > βουζιάκα (buziáka) / βουζάκα (buzáka) (augmentation through the suffix -iáka/-aka) > μπζάκα (bžáka) (syncope of middle vowel /u/ and palatalisation of ζ to /ž/).

In modern Greek idioms, the palatalisation of consonants in words with the suffix– ια (ia) is a frequent phenomenon, especially the transformations -σ > -š and -ζ > -ž, e.g. καφάσια (kafásia) > καφάšα (kafáša), μαγαζιά (magaziá) > μαγαžά (magažá) [103, 107].

The forms μσάκα-μψάκα-μσιάκα-μουσάκα-μπουζάκα likely represent rebracketing of μπζάκα in the Ionian idioms, due to the difficulty in pronunciation that they cause to non-Northern Greek speakers when they first encounter these terms. Therefore, μπζάκα and its derivatives probably arrived in the Ionian Islands through Greek speakers from Aetolia-Acarnania. The zoonyms μπουσάκλα (busákla) and βουσάκλα (vusákla) (the suffix -akla functions as a re-augmentation) in north-western Peloponnese likely represent a secondary case of rebracketing of the Ionian variant μπουζάκα.

The distribution of the zoonym μπζάκα and its derivatives is of particular historical interest. The term is endemic to south-western mainland Greece, with the following geographical boundaries: it includes the Ionian Islands with the exception of Corfu, a south-western zoonymic islet in lowland Ilia, a north-western extension to southern Epirus, a fairly continuous northern boundary along southern Pindos and western Central Greece from the Mornos River and westwards, while the coastal area of Vitrinitsa-Tolofon is its easternmost boundary (Fig 2). This distribution is unnatural, as the zoonym μπζάκα does not seem to be limited by the sea and geomorphology (e.g. altitude) (Fig 10B). It coincides, however, with the southern borders of the Despotate of Epirus, and the entirety of despotates that superseded it (County Palatine of Cephalonia and the Despotates of Arta and Angelokastro) at the beginning of the 13^th century AD. In particular, the distribution of μπζάκα and its derivatives accurately reflect the borders of the County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos (1185–1479), which had its seat in the Ionian Islands (except Corfu) in the 14^th and 15^th centuries, and under the Tocco family, the County Palatine subdued the neighbouring Despotates of Arta and Angelokastro, and temporarily acquired the wider area of Kyllini as well [109–111] (Fig 11).

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Fig 11. The distribution of the zoonym μπζάκα (bžaka) (orange) in relation to the boundaries of the Medieval states of Western Greece (black dotted line for the Despotate of Epirus, green for the Despotate of Arta, and blue for the County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos).

The depiction of the states was based on [109–111].

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283136.g011

Therefore, the zoonym μπζάκα most probably represents a local development of the Greek-speakers of Aetolia-Acarnania, and it was later transmitted within the borders of the Despotate of Epirus, the Despotates of Angelokastro-Arta, and the County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos. Relations between the County Palatine and neighbouring regions (e.g. the Duchy of Achaia) were often hostile [109, 111], and it can be assumed that movement outside its boundaries may have been restricted, and at least in one occasion, border-crossing provided the pretext for war (Battle of the Echinades) [109, 111]. These conditions played a crucial role in limiting the transmission of the term μπζάκα, which remains in the same area 500 years later (Figs 2 and 11). Accordingly, the distribution of the zoonym βούζα in Central Greece may have been restricted to its modern boundaries by the Grand Duchy (Signorie) of Athens (later under the Catalan State of Thebes [111]).

In summary, the following observations can be made regarding the term μπζάκα:

1. If μπζάκα evolved from the term βούζα, it testifies to the possible existence of the latter zoonym in medieval Aetolia-Acarnania, further strengthening the view that it was the dominant term in Greece from the 6^th century AD onwards.
2. The utility of toad zoonyms as evidence for the presence of historical networks and linguistic evolution receives further support.
3. The presence of the possible derivatives of μπζάκα, μπουσάκλα and βουσάκλα in Kyllini coincides with the temporary military successes of the House of Tocco in the 15^th century (Fig 8). If this etymology holds, it may indicate a small strand of migration from the County Palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos to the Peloponnese, if not merely linguistic contact or influence.

It is worth mentioning that the term μπζάκα is the source of the second microtoponym inspired by Bufo bufo that has been identified here. The river Ίναχος (Inachus, a tributary of the Acheloos in Aetolia) was formerly known to the locals as Μπιζακός (Bizakós = the one who contains many μπζάκα), due to the large number of toads that aggregated in its estuaries during the mating period.

A previous record of the term μπζάκα from an unspecified area of Corfu [32] is either incorrect, or represents a recent, localised introduction from Aetolia-Acarnania.

3.1. In Arvanites, Greek-speakers, and Vlachs. Ζάμπα (žába, zába, or zámba).

Disjunct distribution in Greek, Arvanitic, and Vlach-speaking areas; most of Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace, parts of western Peloponnese, pockets in Thessaly, Central Greece, and Central Peloponnese, all of Corfou. Ζάμπια (zámbia or zápia). Peloponnese (entire Mani peninsula). Τζιάμπλακας (tziámblakas), τζάμπακας (tzámbakas). Pockets in Macedonia (area of Serres and Kilkis), very common in Thrace (Evros).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.4.).

3.1.2. In Slavophone areas of northern Greece. 3.1.2.1. In Pomak. Ζάμπα (žába), Ζέμπα (žéba). In all Pomak Muslim Slavophone areas of Western Thrace (Greek Thrace).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.5.).

3.1.2.2. In Slavophones (“ντόπια”, Slavomacedonian, Makedonski). Ζάμπα (žába), Ζαμπαρόκ (žabarók). Common in all Christian Slavophone areas of Greek Macedonia.

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.6.).

Discussion. Etymology from Slavic žaba (= frog) [112]. The entry of the term into the southern Balkans is readily dated to the 6^th century AD, during the first Slavic invasions and settlements into the region, which left much of the peninsula outside Roman administration, the Peloponnese specifically for 218 years, according to the Chronicle of Monemvasia (Fig 6) [77, 78]. It is likely that in early medieval times (600–1000 AD), ζάμπα and its derivatives were the dominant zoonyms of Bufo bufo in those areas of mainland Greece where βούζα was not found (Fig 7). The Slavic zoonyms of the toad may have been later restricted by the resurgence of the Roman Greek-speaking element, both due to local population growth and through resettlements by the Imperial administration in the 9^th century [13, 77, 78]. Subsequent settlements and expansions of other groups, such as the Vlachs, the Arvanites, and the Sarakatsani Greek-speakers, stimulated the introduction of yet more toad zoonyms (Results 1: subchapters 4–5).

Once again, toad zoonyms serve as excellent indicators of the linguistic, demographic, and historical processes of Greece, as the distribution of the derivatives of ζάμπα in the country reflects the areas which received intense Slavic settlement (e.g. large parts of Macedonia and Thrace), the areas which retain a significant Slavophone population to this day (e.g. northwestern Macedonia, northern Central Macedonia, parts of Eastern Macedonia, and Pomakochoria in Thrace) (Fig 8), but also the areas that have the highest number of Slavic toponyms nationwide (Epirus, Macedonia, Central-Western Greece, Western Peloponnese, Exo Mani) [14, 101]. Considering the above, the use of the term žaba and its derivatives is the result of long-standing linguistic contact between Greek-speakers and Slavic-speaking populations. The same pattern can be observed with other terms of ultimate Slavic origin that were incorporated into the agricultural vocabulary of mainland varieties of modern Greek (e.g. λόγγος = impenetrable forest, βάλτος = swamp, σανός = hay) [98].

The use of the term ζάμπα in a large part of lowland Ilia and the presence of “islets” of this zoonym in Arcadia and Messinia (Fig 2) indicate that there too the Slavic term was dominant, as they were places outside Imperial control [48, 49]. However, a linear persistence of this zoonym in Ilia directly from the first Slavic settlements cannot be confidently assumed, as the demographic continuity or discontinuity of the region further back in time is not historically attested. Furthermore, certain areas of the Western Peloponnese (lowland Achaia and Ilia and northern Messinia) experienced significant demographic changes in early modern times. Some of these include the movements of Arcadians and Arvanite nomadic pastoralists from Mt Panachaiko, who filled the population gap left by the exodus of Muslims after the Greek War of Independence [41]. It is possible that the zoonym ζάμπα was replaced in most of the Peloponnese in post-Medieval times, by the Vlach-derived term μπράσκα (brásca), which was introduced by Greek speakers from areas north of the Peloponnese (Results 1: subchapter 4). The same process may have taken place in Thessaly, where the Vlach and Greek-speaking population ultimately prevailed over the Slavophone element (Fig 2).

It should be stressed that the use of the term ζάμπα by the Greek speakers of south-western Greece is certainly not indicative of the survival of an active Slavic-speaking population in the region until recent times. More likely, in the uncontrolled part of the Empire during the Migration Period, the constant contact of Greek speakers with the Slavs, and the gradual assimilation of the latter into the Roman population [13, 14], may have led to the creation of a new, simpler Greek common speech (koine), which was characterised by numerous Slavic loans–one of which was ζάμπα. It should be emphasised that this hypothetical koine has left no written trace whatsoever, but effectively explains the high number of Slavic loans that characterises the south-western mainland Greek dialects, which are mainly related to rural life and occur in areas that remained outside Roman control for centuries. The existence of a distinct type of Greek koine in areas that bordered dense Slavic settlements satisfactorily explains why the archaic idioms of the Old Athens-Aegina-Megara-Euboea-Boeotia-Mani former linguistic continuum were confined only to areas which remained under Roman control during the Migration Period. It can be speculated that, in the western Peloponnese, this archaic linguistic continuum was disrupted by the emergence of a simpler koine, due to the radical change in the social and economic circumstances of the region and the extensive linguistic contact with the Slavs [13, 14, 77]. Indeed, past studies [e.g. 73, 100] have also suggested that the range of the Old Athens-Aegina-Megara-Euboea-Boeotia-Mani former linguistic continuum was disrupted or contracted by the expansion of a yet unidentified Greek variety that lacked the archaic characteristics found in the former.

Although this section focuses in Medieval Peloponnese (due to the larger number of historical sources), the linguistic situation described here may have applied to the entirety of western Greece, including Epirus. For example, the Slavic name of lake Οζερός (Ozerós) in Agrinio is particularly puzzling. According to geological data, the lake was formed after the 10^th century AD [113, 114], and one study [113] suggests that this toponym attests the persistence of Slavic speech in the area. Although several Slavic toponyms can be found in the environs of Agrinio [115], it is more likely that the name of the lake was given by Greek speakers who were linguistically influenced by earlier contacts with Slavic speakers. This is because the term ozero (= lake) is found only among Eastern Slavic languages (which were never spoken in Greece), while all South Slavic languages retain the /e/ of the proto-Slavic term *ezero [14, 112]. In fact, the toponym Οζερός has been etymologised as a modern Greek synaeresis of the singular type “ο Εζερός” (o Ezerós) > “Οζερός” (Ozerós) [14]. Therefore, it is suggested here that Greek-speakers may have used the loan ézero > έζερος/εζερός in their local idiom, which resulted in the synaeresis ο Εζερός > Οζερός. The situation in Agrinio adds further evidence to our hypothesis that in the wider area of southwestern Greece, a particular variety of Greek was spoken, which was influenced by contacts with Slavic-speaking populations. A Slavic-influenced Greek koine also explains why numerous Slavic terms (e.g. names of tools, adjectives, nicknames, zoonyms, phytonyms, personal names and surnames) survived and continued to be used in modern Greek idioms long after Slavic went silent in all parts of the mainland apart from Slavic-speaking parts of Macedonia and Thrace [13, 14, 77, 116]. Nevertheless, this novel hypothesis needs further investigation.

In several communities of Greece, toad zoonyms derived from žaba may represent more recent loans from various languages, although it should be stressed that the hypotheses presented here are highly speculative. These are the Maniots, the Arvanites of Epirus, and certain groups of Vlachs, who are discussed below.

Messinian or Exo Mani, a relatively small region of Greece, is characterized by the largest number of Slavic toponyms in the whole Peloponnese (over 400) [116]. In fact, a large percentage of the Slavic toponyms of Mani retain linguistic features which indicate Slavophone activity in the area until relatively recently [116]. Indeed, the region of Exo Mani (including Oitylo) and the southern slopes of the Taygetos range in general, served as refuges for the last Slavs of the Peloponnese, the Melingoi, who are mentioned as late as the 15^th century [14, 77, 101, 116–118] and probably survived as a distinct community shortly thereafter. The strong presence of Slavs in the area isolated the Maniots from the rest of the Greek-speaking world, and undoubtedly contributed to the preservation of their dialect, which features a distinctly archaic morphology, phonetics, and syntax [100].

All Maniots use the form ζάμπια (zámbia or zápia), which is endemic to the region and is a different interpretation of the zoonym žaba compared to the rest of Greece. This term is likely a loan from the Melingoi of the region, which is interesting, as the Maniots have preserved an archaic Greek dialect [100].

Genetics and historical records may provide some insights on how ζάμπια may have entered the Maniot vocabulary. The inhabitants of Mesa Mani have negligible Slavic ancestry [63], and this region is one of the candidate areas to have been first inhabited by the Maniots when they fled there during the Slavic invasions [119]. On the contrary, Exo Maniots derive a significantly higher proportion of their ancestry from the Slavs compared to Mesa Maniots [63]. Based on the above data, the most parsimonious explanation is that when the Maniots expanded from their probable cradle in Mesa Mani to the foothills of Taygetos (today’s Exo Mani), they encountered the last remaining populations of the Melingoi, with whom they interacted, and perhaps, eventually assimilated. Indeed, the Maniots probably maintained trade relations with the Melingoi (e.g. sale of their dairy products to the Romans [118]), and linguistic borrowings would not have been unknown. The possible contacts of the Maniots with the Melingoi may also account for the loan of the term ζάμπια to the Exo Maniots, who may have later transmitted this zoonym further south, to the inhabitants of Mesa Mani.

The possible use of other Slavic terms in the archaic Greek dialect of Maniot warrants further investigation, in order to estimate and date the extent of contacts with speakers of South-Slavic varieties, and possibly to geographically locate their interactions. It should be emphasised that one cannot ascertain whether the higher Slavic genetic contribution in the Exo Maniots is direct, i.e. the result of limited intermarriage with the Melingoi (before or after their hellenisation), or indirect, through later contacts with non-Maniot Greek-speakers, who also possess a non-negligible amount of Slavic ancestry [63, 64].

The use of žaba-derived zoonyms in Albanian is also particularly intriguing. Although most Albanians use toad zoonyms derived from proto-Albanian and vulgar Latin (Results 1: subchapter 5), certain south Albanian populations [36] and many Epirotan Arvanites instead use the Albanian form zhabë, or the Hellenised terms ζάμπα-ζιάμπα-ζάππα-ζιάπα (S1 Text, chapter 2.1.4.). Albanians had intense contacts with Slavs early on [120], yet the zoonym zhabë is unlikely to have entered the proto-Albanian lexicon as a loan, as it is only found in southern Albania–and proto-Albanian likely arose in the north of the country [120]. It is possible that zhabë entered southern Albanian idioms directly through Slavic assimilation or contact [121], as toponymy and genetics may suggest [37, 64, 122, 123]. However, this is highly unlikely, as there is no evidence of active Slavic speech in the area during the Albanian expansions [77, 124]. On the contrary, contemporary historical sources describe what is now southern Albania as an Eastern Roman stronghold [109, 124] that was characterised by a culturally and demographically dominant Greek-speaking population [125, 126]. The Greek dialect spoken in at least part of that region retains conservative characteristics most closely related to southern Greek idioms [38], which may be indicative of a long-standing presence of Greek in the region. Ergo, the likeliest explanation is that the term zhabë entered Albanian as a loan directly from the preceding Epirotan Greeks, who primarily use žaba-derived zoonyms to refer to the common toad even to this day (see below; S1 Text, chapter 2.1.4.). However, this hypothesis should be treated as tentative, as historical sources related to late Medieval Epirus are scarce [124].

Indeed, the use of zoonyms deriving from žaba predominates in Greek-speakers of lowland and medium altitude areas of Epirus (Figs 2 and 10B), serves as a testament to the past presence of dense Slavic settlements (sclaveniae) in the region, which is also mirrored by a large number of Slavic place names [14, 77, 101]. In contrast, in the highlands of Epirus, žaba-derived zoonyms are replaced by the Vlach term μπράσκα (Fig 10B), due to the historical settlement of Vlachs and later Sarakatsani, both of whom used that zoonym. However, žaba is not confined in the lowlands in the entirety of Greece, Macedonia being an exception (Fig 10B). This peculiarity is due to the Macedonian Vlachs, who inhabit high altitudes and have adopted the derivatives of žaba through their long-term interactions with present-day Slavic-speaking populations in the lowlands (Fig 2). In particular, the Meglenite Vlachs of Mount Paiko use the term žabarók (žaba + rok, Slavic augmentative suffix) (S1 Text, chapter 2.1.4.), while the Vlach term μπράσκα is reserved only for the tortoise (Results 2: subchapter 2).

Derivatives of the zoonym žaba have also been the source of at least two microtoponyms: the ravine Ζάμπακας (Zoni in Arcadia) and Ζάμπλιακας in Agios Konstantinos in Fthiotis [127].

Μπράσκα (brásca).

Dominant zoonym in Thessaly, mountains of Eastern Epirus, central-southern Peloponnese (excluding Mani peninsula), large parts of Argolis, central-northern Euboea, and Samos (Figs 1 and 2). Pockets across mainland Greece (Figs 1 and 2). Μπρόσκου (bróscu), μπρουόσκα (bruósca), μπρουάσκα (bruásca), μρουάσκα (mruásca). Exclusively used by Vlach-speakers in Epirus and Macedonia. Μπουράσκα (burásca). Peloponnese (Argolis).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.8.).

Discussion. The zoonym μπράσκα (brásca) and its derivatives stem from the Vlach term broascã (= frog), with a possible etymology from the term broscus of the late Latin sermo vulgaris, which may be related to the ancient Greek term βροτάχος (vrotáchos)-βρότοκος (brótochos) (= frog) [128, 129]. In fact, some Vlach villages of Thessaly, Epirus and Macedonia retain the probably archaic form μπρόσκα (brósca)-μπρόσκου (bróscu) (S1 Text, chapter 2.1.8.). The Hellenised form of broascã, μπράσκα (brásca)–which is the most widespread toad zoonym in Greece (Fig 2), results from synaeresis of the intermediate -o. The Vlach term μπρουάτικου (bruáticu) is likely a loan from Greek βροτάχος [129]. Although μπρουάτικου is used in Vlach for the frog, some of our informants also use it to name Bufo bufo, possibly due to misidentification.

The entry of the zoonym μπράσκα into Greece is easily traced to the beginning of the 9^th century AD, perhaps even a little earlier, with the first mass settlements of Vlachs. The Vlachs (or Armân, Rămăn) are a Romanised Balkan people (probably linguistically related to the proto-Albanians [5–12]), who speak one of the four Eastern Balkan Romance languages and were first mentioned in Greece in AD 976, in an area between Kastoria and Prespa [130]. A later source is the Strategikon of Cecaumenus, which mentions that in 1066, the Vlachs of the Thessalian plain rebelled against the Emperor Constantine I Doukas, due to the high taxes he imposed upon them [131].

The Vlachs are described as nomads of the mountains of Thessaly [132] and “Bulgaria” [= Pindos range and the mountains of Western Macedonia (Florina, Kastoria, Bitola)], who often plundered the local Romans [88], but some of them served as soldiers of the Empire against its enemies [132]. The existence of settled Vlach villages is also attested in the same period [132]. The fact that as early as 1160 Thessaly was also called Vlachia [88], and a little later as Great Vlachia (or Great Wallachia) [89], suggests that their demographic and cultural contribution to the region was very significant.

The Vlachs’ transhumant way of life, combined with the fact that they constituted a significant (and in some places dominant) demographic element in a large area of the southern Balkans, brought them for centuries in direct contact with all other populations of mainland Greece (excluding the Peloponnese) [42]. From the very beginning of their presence in Greece, and for more than 1000 years, the Vlachs coexisted and had trade relations with the settled Romans, Arvanites, and Slavs, exchanging ideas, beliefs [91], and–as is it is shown here, words. In fact, the exonym “Vlachs” became inextricably linked to nomadic pastoralism, with the result that the settled agricultural populations came to refer to all transhumant shepherds as Vlachs, regardless of their ethnic origin [133]. For example, the Maniots, probably due to the absence of nomadic pastoralism in their homeland, used the term βλάχος (= vlach) pejoratively to describe all Peloponnesian pastoralists and even the native Corsican herders in the Maniot colony in Cargèse, Corsica, which was established in the 17^th century [134, 135].

Taking the above data into account, it is not surprising that the distribution of the term μπράσκα in central and northern Greece largely reflects the boundaries of the Great Vlachia of the 11^th and 12^th centuries (Fig 9). The data presented here also enables the identification of the wider geographical area where intense contact between Vlach and the local varieties of spoken Greek took place. As a result, the local Greek-speakers have adopted the term μπράσκα as the exclusive zoonym for the common toad, which is not the case in Vlach, where this zoonym retains multiple meanings (it refers to either the frog, the toad, or the tortoise; Results 2: subchapter 2, Table 1).

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Table 1.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283136.t001

The distribution of μπράσκα is also correlated with the settlements of Vlach populations outside Thessaly according to ethnological maps of the 19^th and 20^th centuries [79]. In particular, the linguistic islands of the term μπράσκα in Messolonghi, Xiromero, Karpenisi, and Preveza (Fig 2) testify to the settlement of Vlachs, Sarakatsani Greek-speakers (see below), and pastoralists from Tzoumerka in those places, which served as winter pastures for their herds (Fig 12). Indeed, groups of Vlachs settled permanently in lowland areas of Greece multiple times independently [42] and contributed to the further spread of the term μπράσκα to Greek speakers and Arvanites. Based on the above, the term μπράσκα can be used to map Vlach settlements, but also areas inhabited by Greek and Albanian speakers with lexical borrowings from Vlach.

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Fig 12. Representation of the annual movements of the transhumant herders of Greece (regardless of ethnicity or language) in 1981.

The map was based on [90]. Movements of transitional breeders from Eastern and Central Macedonia and Thrace are not depicted, as their annual journeys greatly diminished or disappeared in those areas following the creation of the northern border of Greece in 1913–1920, the settlement of the exchanged Greeks of Asia Minor and Thrace (1923–1926), and the emigration of many Vlachs to Romania (1926 onwards) [42, 91].

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283136.g012

The Sarakatsani, who are Greek-speaking nomadic pastoralists attested since the 17^th century [136, 137], serve as the main example of the transmission of the term μπράσκα by non-Vlachs. With distant origins in Agrafa and southern Pindos in general (i.e. within the Vlachs’ sphere of influence) [133, 136, 137], the Sarakatsani were the most prominent nomadic pastoralists in the Balkans alongside the Vlachs. Their movements covered a wide area that covered most of central and northern Greece, including Argolida, Attica, Euboea, as well as areas outside Greece (Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, and parts of Eastern Thrace and northwestern Asia Minor) [133, 136, 138, 139]. The present research shows that μπράσκα is the dominant (and perhaps the only) term used by Sarakatsani throughout Greece to describe the common toad, and it is hypothesised that they contributed significantly to the dispersal of the term in places where Vlachs never ventured. This hypothesis is confirmed by the fact that while the Slavic term žaba is dominant in Thrace, “islets” of the zoonym μπράσκα can be found in the Sarakatsani village of Loutra in Evros, as well as in other villages of Eastern Macedonia and Thrace where Vlachs are absent (S1 Text, chapter 2.1.8.). The Sarakatsani are probably also responsible for the transmission of the term in the Peloponnese–at least in part, as will be shown below.

The presence of the term μπράσκα in a large part of the Peloponnese is intriguing, as there is no evidence of Vlach settlements in this area [133], although small-scale migrations cannot be excluded. The indirect dispersal of the term by Greek-speakers coming from the north is the likeliest explanation, as northern Peloponnese (Chelmos, Zireia, lowland Argolida and Corinthia) was settled by some of the Sarakatsani, and received additional Greek-speaking herders from central Greece [140]. The Peloponnesian farmers called those herders as Σκηνίτες (skinites = tent-dwellers), Ανεβοκατεβάτες (anevokatevates = up-and-downers), Ρουμελιώτες (Roumeliots), Vlachs (i.e. nomadic herders), or, in writing, Βλαχοποιμένες (Vlahopimenes = Vlach-herdsmen), due to their transhumant way of life [133, 140, 141]. Although the origins of these herdsmen have been widely debated, analysis of historical sources, their surnames, and their oral traditions suggests that at least some of them hail from the Sarakatsani [133, 142].

During spring and summer, many Arcadian herdsmen would use Messinia as a winter refuge for their flocks [140, 141]. Frequently, entire villages of “Σκηνίτες” and other groups of mountain herdsmen migrated to neighbouring Messinia, as well as to Argolida and Laconia [140]. The distribution of the term μπράσκα accurately reflects the annual routes of transhumant herdsmen of the Peloponnese [90] (Fig 12), which took place in areas that are known to have received Arcadian settlers [140]. Moreover, many formerly Arvanite-speaking populations of the Peloponnese (e.g. in Argolida and Laconia) also use the term μπράσκα or μπουράσκα, apparently as a loan from Greek-speaking farmers and/or from Sarakatsani and Arcadian transhumant herders, who overwintered there. The term μπράσκα has also been adopted by Tsakonian, one of the most aberrant Helladic languages [97, 100, 143], which is spoken in about 10 villages of eastern maritime Arkadia (e.g. Kastanitsa, Prastos, Leonidio, Tyros), but had a much wider distribution in the recent past [97]. This adoption is almost certainly a loan from neighbouring speakers of modern Greek varieties.

Based on the above, the Σκηνίτες of Arcadia and the Sarakatsani can be considered as the de facto transmitters of the term in the Peloponnese. Although the first Σκηνίτες are attested in the Peloponnese as early as 1690 [144], the influx of Greek speakers from the north, who probably used the term μπράσκα, may have started earlier. This hypothesis is difficult to verify, as these periods are characterised by large historiographical gaps.

The inhabitants of the village of Lekka in Samos, which was settled in 1581 by Peloponnesian Greeks and Arvanites [145], also use the term μπράσκα [32]. If the first settlers of Lekka used this zoonym, then it could provide us with a possible terminus ante quem for the first settlements of populations from northern Greece into the Peloponnese. However, it should be stressed that this scenario is hypothetical, as the term μπράσκα could have been introduced to the inhabitants of Lekka through interactions with settlers from other parts of Greece. Identifying the linguistic influences in Samos is complex, as the island had remained uninhabited until the 16^th century, when it started being settled from mainland Greece, the surrounding islands and Asia Minor [145]. This study has identified several villages of Samos which use mainland toad zoonyms, such as μπράσκα (Pagonda, Paleokastro, Chora) and βούζα (Pagonda) (Fig 2), which are indicative of linguistic influences from the Peloponnese, central and northern Greece.

The Karagounides, the main group of Greek-speaking farmers of lowland western Thessaly, should also be mentioned. The origin of the Karagounides–who were first mentioned in the early 17^th century–is enigmatic [146]. A plethora of theories suggest origins either from native Greek speakers, from Hellenised Arvanites or from Arvanitovlachs. However, neighbouring Vlach populations refer to the Karagounides as "Greči" (= Greeks), suggesting that this has always been their ethnic identity [146]. As for the name they use for the common toad, the predominant zoonym among the elderly is the Karagoun-specific μπράχτσα (bráhtsa) (or μπράτσα in Vlochos) (S1 Text, chapter 2.1.8.). Younger Karagounides use the term μπράσκα, probably as a result of contacts with neighbouring Greek-speaking groups. The Karagounides of the villages of Marathea, Palamas, and Proastio also use the Slavic term ζάμπα as well as μπράσκα, which is probably evidence of an earlier linguistic stratum of local Greek that used this term.

The presence of the term μπράσκα throughout Central and Northern Euboea merits further discussion. As there is no evidence of large-scale Vlach settlements in Northern Euboea, it is hypothesised that the zoonym μπράσκα reached the island through mainland Greek-speaking mediation, as it likely did in the Peloponnese. Although Euboea is more accessible from the mainland via Chalkida, it is assumed that the Greek-speaking settlers in question did not use this route. In Boeotia, which is the mainland coast opposite Chalkida, the dominant toad zoonym is βούζα, a term that seems to be absent from Euboea (Fig 2). Therefore, the most parsimonious explanation requires the migration of Greek-speaking settlers directly from Thessaly or north-central Greece to North Euboea, introducing the term μπράσκα (Fig 9, white arrow). The probable absence of tsitacism (affricating of the palatal stop /k/ to /tʃ/ or /ts/ before the short vowels /i/ or /e/) in northern Euboea already in the 15^th century–in contrast to the rest of the island at that time (including Chalkida) [76]–argues for a different linguistic (perhaps even demographic) influence in this part of the island.

5.1. Θιθιλιώπα (thithiliópa), Σισελιώπα (siseliópa), Τιθλιώπα (tithliópa), Μπιθλιώπα (bithliópa), Χλιώπα (hliópa), Θυθλιώπα (thithliópa), Θλιώπα (thliópa).

Used primarily by Arvanites in Epirus (especially towards the coast) and pockets in Euboea. Occasional use by Greek-speakers in pockets in Epirus.

For detailed distribution, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.1.9.).

Discussion. Etymology from Albanian thithëlopë = cow sucker [120]. This zoonym entered Greece with the first Arvanite settlements in the 14^th and 15^th centuries AD. Although most users of this term are of Arvanite origin, the Greek-speakers of western Tzoumerka may have acquired the term from the neighbouring Cham Albanophones, or thithëlopë may represent a substrate term in a recently Hellenised population (especially in the southern parts of the region of Ioannina, Preveza, and Thesprotia [41]).

5.2. Μπρέσκλα (bréskla).

Primarily used by Arvanites in Epirus and Central Greece (mainland and Euboea).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.1.).

Discussion. Etymology from Albanian breshkë = tortoise, which was loaned into proto-Albanian from the Latin term broscus, meaning toad [120]. This zoonym entered Greece with the first Arvanite settlements and is still used primarily by the speakers of this language, and occasionally by their Greek-speaking neighbours as well.

5.3. Μπερτικοσα (bertikósa), μπρτόσκα (brtóska).

Exclusive use by Arvanites in Central Greece. Pockets in the Cyclades (Andros), Peloponnese (Argolis) and Thrace (Evros).

For detailed distribution, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.2.).

Discussion. Etymology from the Albanian bretkosë = frog, ultimately from Greek βροτάχος-βρόθακος [120]. All users of this term are Arvanites. Some of the Arvanites of Evros use the term μπρτόσκα (brtóska), or its entirely syncopated term μπρτσκ (brtsk), which in the rest of Greece was found only in Askri of Boeotia, where it denotes the tortoise (S1 Text, chapter 2.2.2.). It should be noted that, among recently monolingual Greek-speaking descendants of Arvanites, the term μπερτικόσα has become the near exclusive zoonym for the toad (even though it originally referred to the frog). In the same way, the originally Vlach term μπράσκα has become the principal toad zoonym among the Greek-speakers of Thessaly and parts of Central Greece and the Peloponnese, even though it retains multiple meanings among native Vlach speakers (Results 1: subchapter 4; Results 2: subchapter 2, Table 1).

5.4. Μπακούα (bakúa).

Central Greece: Markopoulo in Mesogaia (Arvanites).

Discussion. Unknown etymology, possibly from Greek μπάκακας (= frog).

5.5. Μπαρακότσκα (barakótska).

Macedonia: Drosopigi and Flambouro in Florina (Arvanites).

Discussion. Unknown etymology. The suffix -οτσκα is indicative of Slavic influence.

5.6. Μτρμούμα (mtrmúma).

Cyclades: Andros (former municipality of Gavrio, i.e. Ammolochos, Varidi, Vitali, Gides, Kalyvari).

Discussion. A zoonym endemic to some Arvanite villages of Andros, in the former municipality of Gavrio. Μτρμούμα (mtrmúma) is an Arvanite kinship term, which means maternal aunt. In this case the zoonym reflects the similarity between the characteristic behaviour of the toad when it encounters a house wall (it usually attempts to climb it, placing its front legs over its head) and the hand motions of the μτρμούμα when hanging clothes to dry.

6.1.1. Greek zoonyms referring to the defensive inflation of Bufo bufo.

Apart from the parotid glands, which secrete toxins, toads have only one other defence mechanism. When threatened, toads lift their legs and inflate their body to appear as more formidable opponents against would-be predators [147]. This behaviour is the basis of at least five Greek zoonyms.

6.1.2. Ασκουβάζα (askuváza).

Peloponnese: Eastern Corinthia (Chiliomodi, Agionori, Klenia, Piada, Stefani), Argolida. Skuvázë / σκουβάζα (skuváza) (both forms exclusively used by Arvanites). Peloponnese: Angelokastro, Arachnaio (Cheli), Kalloni Trizinias.

Discussion. Possible etymology from the term ασκός (ascós = leather bag used to store liquids; alternatively, the bagpipe). It was not possible to offer a reliable etymology for the second component of this zoonym (-vaza), although it could potentially derive from βούζα, even though the authors are unaware of the assimilation of - ου to -α in Modern Greek. Based on the first component of this zoonym, it likely means bag-toad or bagpipe toad. This particular zoonym is endemic to Argolida and Eastern Corinthia, and is used both by Greek-speakers and Arvanites (among the latter with the form skuvázë, Hellenised as σκουβάζα).

The zoonym ασκουβάζα probably represents a local development of the Greek-speaking linguistic islet of Argolida and Corinthia, which was surrounded by an Arvanite "sea" [41, 50] (Fig 8B). If our hypothesis is valid, then ασκουβάζα may date much earlier than the 15^th century, before the first Arvanites settled the area. The term ασκουβάζα is mentioned as part of the vocabulary of the Arvanites of the Greek fleet (mainly from Hydra, Poros, and Spetses) by [148].

The Arvanites of Methana seem to have resisted the influence of the Greek term ασκουβάζα and have instead retained Arvanitic term μπερτικόσα (S1 Text, chapter 2.2.2.; Fig 2), while some villages of central and western Argolida use the zoonyms μπράσκα and μπουράσκα, probably influenced by the Arcadians and Sarakatsani who overwintered there (SI Text, chapter 2.1.8.; Fig 12).

6.1.3. Μπασκαφούτα (bascafúta).

Peloponnese, endemic to the region of Trifillia in Messinia. Ασκουφούτα (ascufúta): Peloponnese, single location in Arkadia (Stolos). Μπρασκαφούτα (brascafúta). Peloponnese (Messinia), doubtful isolated cases in Epirus and Central Greece (Euboea).

For detailed distribution, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.3.).

Discussion. Disjunct distribution, covering a large area in Messinia and a small pocket in Arkadia (Fig 2). Possibly a combination of μπράσκα and a zoonym related to ασκουβάζα (perhaps ασκουφουτα-ασκαφούτα), that refers to the defensive inflation of toads. If this hypothesis is accurate, then zoonyms related to ασκουβάζα and ασκουφουτα-ασκαφούτα may have had a much broader distribution in the Peloponnese in the past.

6.1.4. Σακούδα (sakúda).

Peloponnese: villages of the plain of Ilia (between Kato Achagia and Gastouni, e.g. Agnanta, Smila, Pelopio), as well as in the adjacent highlands (Divri) and the plateau of Kapeli (Koumanis).

Discussion. Τhe zoonym σακούδα (sakúda) originates from the ancient Greek term σάκκος (sákkos = sac), which according to Beekes [65] is a Phoenician loan. This zoonym is endemic to the plain of Ilia and the adjacent mountains.

6.1.5. Σακκούτα (sakkúta). Calabria (all Griko villages).

Discussion. The zoonym σακκούτα (sakkúta) is conceptually and etymologically the same as σακούδα. Our informants claim that this is the primary toad zoonym used by the Griko speakers of Calabria, instead of the Italo-Romance terms buffa and rospo.

The population of Southern Italy has strong genetic connections to those of the Eastern Mediterranean, due to Greek colonisation in archaic times [149], as well as to later demographic events during Imperial Roman and Medieval times, which transformed the entire peninsula [150, 151]. The Greek-speakers of Apulia and Calabria speak two Greek dialects that date back to the early Middle Ages [152, 153], but retain numerous influences from a native Doric substrate [153–155]. The origin of the term sakkúta cannot postdate the 12^th century AD, which is when the Eastern Roman Empire lost Southern Italy to the Normans, and influences from non-Italiot Greek disappeared.

If σακκούτα was an influence from the Eastern Roman Empire, it obviously must have developed before the 12^th century AD. The Italiot σακκούτα and the Peloponnesian σακκούδα may have evolved independently, although one cannot exclude the possibility of a common origin for the two terms. Whether σακκούτα or other toad zoonyms are used in Apulia remains to be found.

6.1.6. Φουσάκλα (fusákla).

Peloponnese: valley of Nezera, Lakkomata Erymanthou, Western Achaia, Chrysopigi-Spodiana of Achaia.

Discussion. The term φουσάκλα (fusákla) derives from the ancient Greek φῦσα (phúsa = bladder, pouch, bubble, wind) and the augmentative suffix -ακλα. It is probably genetically related to the ancient Greek toad zoonym φῡσᾰλος (phúsalos = the inflated one) [156], which is also attested as a personal name in an inscription found in Naupactus in the 2^nd century BC [157]. Indeed, the preservation of the /u/ pronunciation, instead of the iotacised /i/ pronunciation, suggests that this zoonym is particularly ancient, just as is the case with βούζα. The toad is also named φύσαλος in Darvaris’s Encyclopedia [158], but this is probably a deliberate archaism, rather than a term in everyday use.

The strong localisation of φουσάκλα to the region of Nezera and its environs, an enclave of particular linguistic and anthropological interest, deserves further investigation.

This is because the villages of Nezera owe their name to the Slavic tribe of Ezerites, who are reported to have settled the region in the 9^th century after a failed rebellion, which led Leo Scleros to expel them from their homeland in Mt Parnon and the lowlands of Evrotas [77]. The presence of the zoonym φουσάκλα –a Greek term that potentially dates to Late Antiquity–in the historically Slavic-settled Nezera might be surprising. However, the linguistic and demographic evolution of the Nezera and their environs over the past 1000 years is obscure, as they are not mentioned in any historical sources. As anywhere else, one cannot assume traces of a Slavic linguistic substrate in the area in the absence of compelling evidence.

Some of our Achaian informants outside Nezera (e.g. in Aigio) were familiar with the term φουσάκλα or φουσάκα but could not remember where they heard it. This suggests that this zoonym may be more widespread than what is currently shown in Fig 2. It is possible that limited nomadic pastoralism from Nezera to the lowlands (or vice versa) has contributed to the dissemination of φουσάκλα.

The only other toad zoonym encountered in Nezera is βούζα, likely a loan from neighbouring populations.

6.2.1. Among Greek speakers.

6.2.1.1. Βούζα (Results 1: subchapter 2.1.1.)

6.2.1.2. Μασταράς (mastarás). Epirus: Konitsa. Macedonia: Kalirachi in Grevena.

Discussion. Etymologised from the term μαστός (mastós = breast, teat) + αράς (augmentative suffix). In the same areas it is also known as γιδοβύζι (gidovýzi = goat tit, a zoonym otherwise given to the nightjar, a bird of the Caprimulgidae family).

6.2.1.3. Αγελαδοβύζα (ageladovýza) / Βυζογελάδα (vyzogeláda). Epirus: Petra in Zagori.

Discussion. From αγελάδα (ageláda = cow) + βυζί (vyzí = tit), as a semantic calque from Albanian thithëlopë (Results 1: subchapter 5.1.).

6.2.2. In terms of potential Vlach origin.

6.2.2.1. Μπρουζογελάδα (bruzogeláda) / μπρουζουγέλα (bruzugéla). Epirus: Tristeno. Μπρουζογέλαδο (bruzogélado). Epirus: Itea in Zagori.

Discussion. Etymologised from the local term μπρόζγου/μπρούσγου (brózgu/brúzgu = frog, from Vlach bróscu) + αγελάδα (= Greek for cow), as locals believe that the toad sucks the milk of cows at night. The term μπράσκα is reserved only for the tortoise in these villages.

6.2.3. In Arvanites.

6.2.3.1. Θιθιλιώπα and derivatives (Results 1: subchapter 5.1.).

6.3.1. Τσιόφλακας (tsióflakas).

Turkey: Livissi = Kayaköy. Τσόφλακας (tsóflakas). Turkey: Makri = Fethiye.

Discussion. The common toad has a prominent role in the traditions of the Greek-speakers of Livissi (now Kayaköy) and Makri (now Fethiye) in south-western Asia Minor, who speak an archaic dialect related to Cypriot and Dodecanesian Greek [92]. The term τσιόφλακας is mentioned in numerous children’s tales and beliefs (Embirikos, L., personal observations, [159]). Its cultural role is so strong, to the extent that the descendants of the refugees of Livissi and Makri in Kato Tithorea (Kifissochori) and Euboea (Farakla, Kirinthos) still retain the zoonym τσιόφλακας, even though 2–3 generations have passed since their forebears fled from their ancestral homes.

Although the etymology of this particular zoonym is unknown, it may be derived from the Medieval term τσόφλι (tsófli = shell, husk) [98], due to the dryness of the toad’s skin compared to that of the frog. The zoonym τσόφλακας may be genetically related to the term σοφλάκας (soflákas) of Kotiora (Ordu) in Pontus [32], indicating a potential relationship between the old Greek idioms of Asia Minor, prior to their insularisation by the Turkoman invasions and the mass settlement of the region by mainland Greek-speaking populations [92].

6.3.2. Μπότσκα (bóčka).

Epirus: city of Preveza (used by old residents).

Discussion. Zoonym of unknown etymology.

6.3.3. Μπουσνιακός (busniakós), μπασιακός (basiakós).

Thrace: Avdira. Μπούσακος (búsakos). Thrace: Mandra in Xanthi (by Greek-speaking refugees from Serdivan, north-western Asia Minor, opposite Thrace).

Discussion. Zoonym of unknown etymology. If the terms μπουσνιακός (busniakós) and μπούσακος (búsakos) have a common origin, due to their geographical proximity, they may provide an example of the poorly attested Thraco-Bithynian dialectal family [160]. It should be noted that Avdira is the primary and oldest Greek-speaking settlement in the prefecture of Xanthi, which renders the zoonyms used there of particular linguistic importance. Recording the zoonyms used by speakers of the dialectal varieties of Greek from Eastern Thrace would be of significant importance towards the confirmation of a possible Thraco-Bithynian origin for this term.

6.3.4. Πασπακίνα (paspakína).

Dodecanese Islands: Kos (Chora). Turkey: Petrumi-Bodrum.

Discussion. Informants from Petrumi explained that the term πασπακίνα (paspakína) was a common zoonym that was used throughout Halicarnassus (modern day Bodrum) prior to the exodus of Greek speakers from the region. It cannot be ascertained whether this zoonym was transferred to the island of Kos through refugees from Petrumi or vice versa. This zoonym is also used to describe an obese and slow-moving person (“he walks slowly like a πασπακίνα”).

6.3.5. Κούβακας (kúvakas).

Throughout Chios, single instance in Turkey (Çeşme).

For detailed distribution and additional derivatives, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.4.).

Discussion. The zoonym κούβακας (kúvakas) is found only in Chios. One of our informants, who has a surname derived from κούβακας and originates from Çeşme, informed us that his great-grandfather originally received it as a nickname, due to his exceptional swimming skills. The term κούβακας may have arrived to Çeşme through the repeated migrations of Chians to Asia Minor, or due to the linguistic and geographical proximity of the two regions.

6.3.6. Κρακάλι (krakáli).

Italy: Greek-speakers of Apulia (Castrignano, Calimera, Maglie). Κορκάλα (korkála). Epirus (Grammenochoria). Καρκαρέλι (karkaréli). Ionian Islands: Zakynthos. Κάρλακας (kárlakas). Ionian Islands: Corfu.

Discussion. If the zoonyms κορκάλα (korkála), κρακάλι (krakáli) and καρκαρέλι (karkaréli) have a genetic relationship, then they are terms of great antiquity, as Magna Graecia stopped being a part of the Roman Empire in the 12^th century. Throughout its distribution, κρακάλι and its derivatives typically refer to the frog. It is possible that our informants who refer to toads using the derivatives of this zoonym may have confused it with the frog. However, no other toad zoonym was found among the Greek-speakers of Apulia in this study.

6.3.7. Μπλοκόσα (blokósa).

Thessaloniki (Adam, Petrokerasa).

Discussion. Confined to the region of Zangliveri, to the north of Chalkidiki. Derives from the local term μπλοκός (= hedge), of uncertain etymology, which refers to the habit of the toad to bury itself along hedges.

6.3.8. Μπάμπακας (bámbakas-bábakas).

North Aegean, exclusively on western Lesbos. Ξερομπάμπακας (kserobámbakas). Pieria.

Discussion. Highly local term, deriving from the Greek term μπάκακας-μπάμπακας [32], of uncertain etymology. The term μπάκακας is used elsewhere in Greece to denote the frog [32], but in western Lesbos μπάμπακας is used exclusively for the toad, while the frog has different zoonyms (βαθρακός, βατρακός, μαθρακός [32]). Accordingly, in Pieria, the toad is referred to as ξερομπάμπακας [from ξερός (= dry) + μπάμπακας (= frog)] [32].

7.1. Μπάφα (báfa).

Macedonia: Smixi and Perivoli.

Discussion. Term of unknown etymology. In Messolonghi, the female flathead grey mullet (Mugil cephalus) is also called μπάφα.

7.2. Μπάμπα (bába).

Thessaly: in the Vlach villages of Malakasi (Trygona, Pefki, Koutsoufliani).

Discussion. A zoonym of unknown etymology, used only to describe unusually large toads, while the term μπροάτικου is used exclusively for frogs and small-sized toads. Potentially from Greek μπάκακας/μπάμπακας [98].

7.3. Μπατσκάβρας (batskávras.

Epirus: Asprangeloi, Lakka Souli (from Vlach herders).

Discussion. Possible combination of μπατς (bats, perhaps from μπάτσα = slap) + κάβουρας (kávouras = crab, with syncopated -ου). This zoonym is typically used for the scorpion, but in these two villages it also describes the common toad, probably due to the misconception that it spits/ejects poison.

7.4. Φαρφαλιώπα (farfaliópa), φαρφαλιώπε (farfaliópe), φιρφιλιώπα (firfiliópa), χαρχαλιώπα (harhaliópa).

Pockets in Epirus, north-western and Central Macedonia, and Central Greece, exclusively in Arvanitovlach (Rrãmãnji) settlements. Θαρθαλούπα (tharthalúpa), θουρθουλούπα (thurthulúpa). Pockets in Epirus, exclusively used by Vlachs (Armânji).

For detailed distribution, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.5.).

Discussion. Loanword from Albanian thithëlopë (= cow sucker) (Results 1: subchapter 5.1.). Although φαρφαλιώπα and its derivatives clearly represent an Albanian loanword, it is classified here as a Vlach term, as this form is used almost exclusively by the Arvanitovlachs and its distribution mirrors their settlements (Fig 2). Vlachs from the villages of Syrrako and Matsouki also use this zoonym, possibly due to language contact with the Arvanitovlachs in shared winter pastures.

Among Arvanitovlachs, φαρφαλιώπα has replaced the original Vlach terms that were occasionally used to describe the toad. For example, in Arvanitovlachs, μπρουάτικου (Nižepole, Geroplatanos) is used exclusively for the frog, and μπρουόσκα-μπρόσκα (Palaiomanina, Stratos in Acarnania, Kria Vrisi in Pella) / πρόσκα (Margariti) for the tortoise.

Regarding the dating of the term φαρφαλιώπα in Greece, the Arvanitovlachs began to settle permanently outside Albania and Epirus (e.g. Aetolia-Acarnania, Thessaly, Macedonia) from the 18^th–19^th century onwards [161], if not earlier.

8.1. Σταμπόλ (stamból), στάμπολ (stámbol.

In all Muslim Slavophone areas of Western Thrace (Greek Thrace).

For detailed distribution, refer to S1 Text (chapter 2.2.6.).

Discussion. Zoonym of unknown etymology, although an origin from the toponym Istanbul (= Constantinople) may be used as an augmentative adjective in the region; that is, the toad is the royal frog, because of its girth and size (conceptually similar word to the augmentative zoonyms βατραχομάνα and χοντράδι). Our informants informed us that in Sminthi and the surrounding villages the term σταμπόλ is used exclusively for the toad, while the frog retains its original Slavic zoonym, i.e. žába.

8.2. Γιούρτνικ (yúrtnik).

Thrace: Sidirokastro Evrou, Mega Dereio = Büyük Derbent.

8.3. Μάμνικ (mámnik).

Thrace: Ano Vyrsini, Mega Dereio = Büyük Derbent.

8.4. Παπούτσνικ (papúçnik).

Thrace: Aimonio = Valkanova. Discussion. Zoonyms of unknown etymology. The suffix -νικ is characteristic of Slavic morphology.

9.1. Temél kurbağası.

Thrace: Kleisso.

Discussion. Etymologised by the terms temél (= foundational, meaning very large) and the Turkish kurbağası (= frog), i.e. the monumental frog.