The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Conceived and designed the experiments: ASF SC. Performed the experiments: ASF SC. Analyzed the data: ASF SC. Contributed reagents/materials/analysis tools: ASF SC. Wrote the paper: ASF SC.
Policies affecting alcohol’s price and promotion are effective measures to reduce harms. Yet policies targeting populations are unpopular with the public, whose views can be influenced by news framings of policy narratives. In Australia, alcohol taxation receives high news coverage, while advertising restrictions have not until recently, and narratives are highly contested for each. However, research specifically examining how audiences respond to such news stories is scant. We sought to explore audience understanding of news reports about two alcohol policy proposals.
From June to August 2012, 46 participants were recruited for 8 focus groups in age-brackets of young people aged 18–25 years, parents of young people, and adults aged 25 or older. Groups were split by education. Participants were asked their prior knowledge of alcohol policies, before watching and discussing four news stories about alcohol taxation and advertising.
Participants were clear that alcohol poses problems, yet thought policy solutions were ineffective in a drinking culture they viewed as unamenable to change and unaffected by alcohol’s price or promotion. Without knowledge of its actual effect on consumption, they cited the 2008 alcopops tax as a policy failure, blaming cheaper substitution. Participants had low knowledge of advertising restrictions, yet were concerned about underage exposure. They offered conditional support for restrictions, while doubting its effectiveness. There was marked distrust of statistics and news actors in broadcasts, yet discussions matched previous research findings.
News coverage has resulted in strong audience understanding of alcohol related problems but framed solutions have not always provided clear messages, despite audience support for policies. Future advocacy will need to continue recent moves to address the links between alcohol’s price and promotion with the drinking culture, as well as facilitate understandings of how this culture is amenable to change through the use of evidence-based policies.
Health and social costs associated with Australian alcohol consumption
Taxation aims to affect alcohol’s price
Restrictions on alcohol advertising in Australia rely upon an industry voluntary agreement, the Alcoholic Beverages Advertising Code (ABAC)
Acceptance of alcohol policies depends on community attitudes towards harms and understanding of policy solutions. A national poll found 80 per cent of all Australians think there is problem with excessive alcohol consumption. Support increased with age, and over a third perceive alcohol to be the most harmful drug
A key element influencing community perceptions is how news stories frame policy narratives. A large body of research has investigated the power of news media to shape dominant definitions of what is at issue and solutions deemed appropriate
In 2009, alcohol and substance use ranked eighth among health stories on Australian television news
In newspapers, alcohol advertising restrictions have historically experienced low newsworthiness and are contested by a range of public health and industry voices
While the aforementioned national poll gives insight into the public’s support for alcohol control policies, and news content analyses reveal the narratives in play in the news, there is little research examining how these factors relate to each other in the audience. This is important for refining future key messages and advocacy efforts concerning alcohol. In this paper, we examine audience understandings of news broadcasts about alcohol taxation and advertising policies. We hypothesised (i) audiences would agree there was an alcohol ‘problem’ in Australia, (ii) attitudes towards the alcopops tax would reflect dominant arguments seen in newspaper coverage, and (iii) audiences would have limited understanding of alcohol advertising restrictions due to its past low newsworthiness and standing as a ‘proposal’.
The study protocol was approved by the University’s Human Research Ethics Committee.
We used semi-structured focus group discussions to examine audience responses. Participants were recruited via email networks, study information flyers, and ‘snowball’ referrals. Using groups identified in prior research
Between June and August 2012, eight focus groups (n = 46) were facilitated by author AF and each ran for about one hour (
Group | n | Agegroup | Education | Individual gender and age |
1 | 8 | 25+ | Mixed | F34, F33, F29, F27, F35, F33, F32, F33 |
2 | 6 | 18–25 | Secondary/tertiary | F24, M18, M18, M19, F18, M25 |
3 | 7 | Parents | No tertiary | F?, F51, F31, F41, F35, F54, M58 |
4 | 6 | 25+ | Secondary | M?, F38, M33, M32, F25 |
5 | 5 | Parents | Tertiary | M45, F25, F46, M33, M54, |
6 | 4 | 25+ | Tertiary | F55, M50, M39, F44 |
7 | 6 | 18–25 | Undergraduates | F21, M23, F20, F19, F24, M45 |
8 | 4 | 18–25 | Undergraduates | F23, M24, F19, F20 |
Transcripts were analysed using NVIVO 10. The interview schedule, a previous interview study
Participants reported active news-seeking and passive exposure to news. With the exception of the parents’ group, television news was actively rejected as low quality. Many described preferred news sources, such as individual RSS feeds.
A clear characterisation of alcohol stories arose in all groups:
Younger participants reported an inability to identify with news portrayals of young people. They perceived that the news made unwarranted generalisations and some actively rejected news stories as a result of their own experiences:
Participants reported limited policy knowledge beyond state-based venue licensing and policing of alcohol related violence. Most related policies to antisocial behaviour instead of measures aimed at the wider population. While some mentioned pricing measures, only one detailed specifics:
A common pattern emerged where, unprompted, many reported misgivings about the effectiveness of policies, as alcohol-related problems were seen as both too complex and too socially embedded for any policy to create meaningful changes. They felt that suggested policies were over-simplified and too targeted to address a problem they saw as huge and potentially intractable:
One person perceived confusion in public discussion about the aims and reach of specific polices and thought that this information would be useful for the public to have in order to understand the issues:
Younger participants perceived themselves as commonly the target of such measures, yet thought the problem existed more largely in society, pointing out that older people consumed alcohol and such consumption was seen as socially acceptable, not problematic. They felt that focusing on young people was hypocritical and asserted that those voicing policies also drank when they were young, so questioned what had changed.
Participants had low knowledge regarding advertising restrictions, with little understanding of whether these were legislated, what form they might take and who was responsible for oversight. Most commonly, they reported restrictions on television advertisements only and were unsure of the curfew’s time:
Some denied advertising affected consumers while others thought effects were self-evident:
The news clip discussing sport advertising restrictions featured a politician and three sporting administrators, causing some to reject it out of hand: “
However, some could not see advertising restrictions being effective: “I think that they're going to drink beer watching sport regardless if there are ads or not. So I don't see why it would make a difference” (F18). Younger participants were more likely to view alcohol advertising in sport as unproblematic.
Despite conflict about the effectiveness of restrictions, participants were united regarding advertising to children: “I'm a bit torn because I do really like sport. I am aware that a lot of high level sport does survive on corporate partnerships. But I'm really feeling that I don't see why it has to be alcohol and I do think that a lot of young kids [are] watching live sport…” (M33). Two participants consistently objected to this though: “I mean yes we should be protecting kids…but it's adult drinking that's a problem. You're thinking of these kids when they grow up and start drinking, so what about the adults?” (F23).
All participants expressed some conditional support for advertising restrictions, with most arguing the code of practice should be followed by advertisers, monitored by the government and have stronger punishments for breaches. Parents gave unqualified support, more than in other groups, with their children in mind: “
Participants reported hazy recollections of the 2008 tax: “I do remember hearing it. Pretty much all I remember is they wanted to bring up the price of the alcohol sort of more appealing to the younger people… in some sort of effort to curb the amount they’re going to drink, which is never going to happen” (M32). Some were clear that it was failed exercise: “The tax thing that didn't work” (F19), while others were less sure: “We don’t know if it worked. We have got no idea” (M34).
None related personally to the tax, describing it as something happening to other people, citing their current age as a factor in ignoring the news on alcopops. Even those who were in the target age range at the time positioned RTDs as drinks that other people drank. Others described it as purely a matter of politics: “
Discussion of the two alcopops news stories resulted in recognisable themes, as identified elsewhere
Even facing two sets of opposing data about the tax’s effect, where different news actors argued for different effects, people stuck to their position:
A second theme emerged, where a few displayed cynicism about the tax’s presumed concern for health, instead viewing it as a revenue-raising tax grab. Some characterised it as a sinister move by the government to receive money, without intending to solve any problems:
For those with little recall of the tax, seeing news clips did not clear up any confusion. Many thought it was difficult to know what to think and felt the news had not communicated information clearly enough:
Across all clips, a pattern emerged of mistrusting research data presented in the broadcast, regardless of topic or news actor. Nothing was taken at face value, unless confirming their position. For example, when discussing advertising bans, many could not fathom the presented link between restrictions and subsequent reductions in morbidity:
The changing nature of data was invoked discussing alcopops tax figures about consumption reduction:
Though not directly asked, all groups keenly highlighted the ‘drinking culture’, which they viewed as more important to consumption than alcohol’s price or promotion. When pressed, their ability to articulate what the drinking culture was, or how it arose, was limited yet they expressed functioning within it. Parents expressed concern for children facing peer pressure in the current drinking culture, while others thought it was just part of our natural history: “
They could not clearly describe how it affected their drinking choices, but nevertheless, asserted that it did and, on the whole, denied advertising and price helped create or maintain the culture. Only one group openly considered this. Instead, it was viewed as the biggest obstacle to progress in reducing alcohol-related harms.
Our results provide fresh insight into audience responses to news stories about two alcohol policies and to what extent dominant news frames already identified in news coverage were present in audience understandings. We found that while participants agreed alcohol consumption in Australia causes significant social problems, this was tempered by scepticism that current policy options have the capacity to reduce these problems. This reflected, in part, misunderstandings of the extent to which policies are expected to work, as well as a lack of familiarity with the arguments and evidence for particular proposals. Participants also keenly emphasised the role of the ‘drinking culture’, which in Australia can involve increases in assault and hospitalisations around public holidays and cultural events
Policy advocates can be heartened that dominant messages about alcohol-related harm identified in news media
It is also clear that our audience members did not conceive of policies as set of options that work in concert, and instead thought of them individually, perceiving them doomed to failure. For example, our participants persistently understood the alcopops tax to have failed, despite existing data showing that the alcopops tax indeed produced overall net reductions in population consumption of alcohol
We note that since these discussions were conducted, the AARB has contributed to increased visibility of the issue of alcohol advertising and the potential for restrictions to help reduce problems. There has been attendant media coverage of both public health’s policy position and the alcohol industry’s response to the AARB
To capitalise on the existing situation, advocates might note the following: knowledge of even the voluntary restrictions that exist was very low. No person we spoke with had heard of the ABAC scheme, nor did they know where complaints could be directed to regarding inappropriate advertising. This clearly points to the ongoing need for organisations such as the AARB to continue raising awareness of the issue. There was negligible understanding of the guidelines, with most only being familiar with a television curfew. This may reflect existing news coverage, where advertising was mostly referred to as ‘on television’ and stories focused on removing the curfew exemption for live sports broadcasts
However, coupled with these findings was the clear notion from many participants that advertising simply did not affect them, or merely focused on changing brand preferences and purchasing decisions. We suggest then, that capitalising on the community’s existing concern for children will need to focus on how, exactly, restrictions work to protect younger members of society. Key messaging could clarify that not only does advertising work to shape brand preference among drinkers, it can arguably increase consumption, as well as help normalise and glamorise alcohol for those too young to be regular consumers – those who participants are already concerned about.
Our results suggest significant possibilities for future advocacy concerning the notion of the ‘drinking culture’, which participants saw as overwhelming any potential benefits produced by alcohol policies. Their inability to articulate how the drinking culture arose and their denial that alcohol’s availability, price and promotion contributed to creating or maintaining a drinking culture, is a key area to target for public discussions. Raising greater awareness of the ways in which ‘culture’ is amenable to change seems crucial, when audience groups see the current drinking culture as historically inevitable. We suggest that future advocacy can better explicate other instances where cultural change has been possible (e.g. tobacco, drink driving), as well as the ways that interest groups attempt to influence the definition of what ‘normal drinking’ is and make the links between alcohol advertising, pricing and the ‘culture’ explicitly clear.
In our groups, it seemed to only be parents who clearly articulated concern about vested interests for the drinks industry and partnerships with sporting organisations, while younger participants were not as concerned. Like taxation, this may reflect a gap between their perceived individual experience of advertising having no effect on them and policies that focus on the population. Future advocacy concerning vested interests might encourage members of the audience to think less of their individual experiences and more about other, more vulnerable members of the community.
Lastly, advocacy should be aware of the lasting mistrust of statistics and figures presented in the broadcast. Our results show that audience members reported narratives from news broadcasts, not memories of statistics. Our suggestion then is that when presenting data, strong narratives about its significance and the impact of policies will be more important than quoting specific figures such as the expected percentage in mortality reduction.
News coverage of alcohol stories has resulted in strong audience understanding of alcohol-related problems. However, the news framing of alcohol policy solutions has not always provided a clear cut-through message that audiences can understand, despite being supportive of policies as evidenced here. Future advocacy, particularly for taxation measures, will need to continue the recent moves that address the links between the drinking culture and factors such as alcohol’s promotion. For both alcohol’s price and promotion, future advocacy might help facilitate understandings of how this ‘drinking culture’ is amenable to change through the use of evidence-based policies.
We wish to thank the 46 research participants for their participation in the study.